Time to get out of Toronto

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
March 30, 2002

Only a Toronto-based, left-leaning, corporate-hating

. . . globalization-conspiracy theorist like Lawrence Solomon could come up with the strange and twisted logic used to justify forest land privatization in parts of Canada which he clearly has never visited (Natural Value, March 26).

He blames the depopulation of Saskatchewan and B.C. communities on government’s willingness to hand over resources to rapacious multinationals. He states that the destruction of the natural beauty of the land during extraction of resources creates a landscape so devoid of esthetics that it eventually drives people away. The only way to prevent future exploitation and destruction, according to Mr. Solomon, is to sell the land to private citizens who will become “true stewards of the land.”

He does not seem to realize that a large part of the Saskatchewan he is referring to is already privately owned by farmers. Farmers have experienced a century-long improvement in agricultural productivity. leading to a huge decrease in the demand for farm labour. As a result, those who used to live in Saskatchewan people have moved to urban centres for employment. The forest industry in Canada has experienced and continues to experience a similar pattern.

He presented the communities of Tofino and Whistler as examples of towns which are thriving due to green industries. He compared these towns to Port Alberni, which is apparently suffering from its past dependence on resource exploitation and a refusal to embrace eco-tourism.

Tofino is located next to a large National Park, which was created through the expropriation of private land, with park access via a publicly built highway. It is clear that private investment did not play a significant role in the development of the present eco-tourism industry in Tofino. Whistler, on the other hand, a source of much private investment, is just another kind of semi-permanent clear-cut which will remain on the landscape for as long as that community exists.

Mr. Solomon played fast and loose with the demographics to indicate that communities like Tofino and Whistler have enjoyed significant growth rates due to their non-exploitive, environment-friendly tourist industries. Tofino has a population of 1,403 and could experience a significant population increase should another boatload of Chinese migrants suddenly show up in its harbour. Port Alberni would require half-a-dozen superferries-worth of migrants to create the same kind of relative impact. On a more personal note, I spent a half-hour wandering around Tofino one day looking for a loaf of bread. I much preferred my weekend stay on a blueberry farm (a resource extraction industry) nestled in the lovely second growth forest just outside Port Alberni. I suspect the 18,403 permanent residents of Port Alberni also have similar reasons for choosing to live in that community.

Timothy Conlin, Victoria.

I will hazard a guess

. . . that Mr. Solomon has never lived for any length of time in a non-urban setting. There are many reasons why cities like Port Alberni go into decline: progressive mechanization of the forest industry, U.S. protectionist, lumber policies or increased costs of harvesting timber from Crown lands. I’m not condoning industrial activities per se, but I am suggesting that you are dangerously oversimplifying complex issues.

As regards your idyllic picture of Tofino as example of the future of rural Canada, I shudder to think of the prospect. I worked in forestry there for some time and have the following observations. The tidal wave of so-called ecotourism is resulting in degradation of sensitive coastal ecosystems, the harassment of vulnerable species under the guise of recreation for rich visitors, sky-rocketing property values that drive local people away because they can’t afford to live there anymore, an ‘urban’ infrastructure geared more toward tourists than residents and the overdevelopment of a landscape whose pristine and natural qualities are ironically what drew visitors there in the first place.

Also consider that forests developed are permanently altered, whereas a forest harvested remains a forest nonetheless. Your depiction of the rapacious use of forest resources from Crown lands is out of touch with the general direction that forest policy for public lands has taken over the last 20 years.

As regards privatization: ask any forester or environmentalist about the state of forest management on private lands and they will undoubtedly and appropriately use adjectives like rapacious, unsustainable, unregulated. Drive north of Toronto two hours to Parry Sound or Muskoka, into the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence hardwood forests and see the continuing commercial abuse of forests on private property. It’s appalling.

Have a look at the private forests in the Southeastern United States and note the striking similarity between common agricultural crops and the cottonwood plantations on the Mississippi delta. Note also the user fees for forest access and the lack of consideration for wildlife habitat management with the exception of wild turkey and deer … both lucrative game species.

Last but not least, the notion of privatization would be unimaginably offensive to the aboriginal peoples of this country who feel (and have substantial legal claim in many cases) that the so-called ‘public’ lands you refer to are not ours for the selling.

Riki Burkhardt, Master of Forest Conservation
Registered Professional Forester, Thunder Bay, Ont.

Read Larry’s article, “Natural Value,” published by the National Post on March 26, 2002.

Posted in Forestry | Leave a comment

Natural value

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
March 26, 2002

men with axe & paddleDon’t believe all the census hype claiming that Canadians are indiscriminately abandoning rural areas for the cities. Canadians love living in the countryside when the countryside stays true to rural ideals. But place Canadians in countryside that has been converted into an industrial site – whether it be a large-scale forestry, mining, or agricultural operation – and many will flee for more hospitable parts of the country.

Take Port Alberni, B.C., a logging town on Vancouver Island that lost 5.5% of its population in the last five years. In spectacular Clayoquot Sound, Port Alberni could have based its economy on the beauty of its surroundings, capitalizing on the sea and old-growth forests to attract year-round residents and tourists alike. Instead, it gave short shrift to tourism and – pushed by federal and provincial governments hell-bent on creating short-term jobs – razed its surroundings. The strategy had locals patting themselves on the back for years. Now that the valuable, near-in trees have been turned into pulp and two-by-fours, now that the loggers need subsidies to justify logging the trees further out, and now that property values are dropping, the self-congratulations have died down. Port Alberni is in decline.

One hundred and thirty kilometres west of Port Alberni lies the prosperous town of Tofino, B.C. Also in Clayoquot Sound, Tofino’s population rose by more than 25% in the last five years as people glory in this little piece of paradise.

Tofino has become a growing tourist destination by offering the world environmental amenities that are increasingly in short supply. With its designation in 2000 as B.C.’s first United Nations Biosphere Reserve, the forests near Tofino have earned a measure of protection against rapacious Canadian governments that would decimate Tofino’s surroundings for short-term political gain.

With the U.S. government’s decision last week to slap softwood lumber duties on our exports, all Canadian forests have received a long-needed reprieve from our governments’ reckless exploitation of our old-growth forests.

President George W. Bush did Canadian citizens and the Canadian economy a favour by saving our forests from our own governments. Nowhere is this more so than in British Columbia. As fodder for mills, most of our coastal forests – 60% of which are hemlock and balsam – have no value at all.

Forest companies such as Interfor, one of B.C.’s largest exporters, sell hemlock for an average of $60 a cubic metre, and balsam for less. Meanwhile, they spend $100 a cubic metre bringing these two species to market.

“We lose $40 on every cubic metre of hemlock that we bring to the sawmill,” explains Interfor’s Steve Crombie, who adds that provincial law forces the forest companies to harvest the majority of coastal stands at a loss.

In the gnarled logic of many Canadian commentators, Canada’s forest policies represent global free trade and America’s are narrowly protectionist. In truth, our forestry laws are rooted in protectionist and paternalistic governments that value economic activity for its own sake – even when it’s money-losing. Because private owners of old-growth forests have ignored government entreaties to log, even when governments have provided them with strong incentives, governments have a history of refusing to sell our forests to the citizenry. Throughout Clayoquot Sound and other beautifully forested areas, Canadians bid up the value of forests for residential and recreational purposes – their highest value by far – whenever our governments deign to allow private ownership.

As the recent census shows, Canada’s places of beauty have been big gainers, coast to coast. In the Maritimes, only Prince Edward Island gained population. People didn’t move there for its potatoes; its sea and sand make it a playground for urbanites and a retirement destination for all.

Canada’s fastest growing area of all lies in western Alberta, the potent combination of a good economy and a great amenity called the Rocky Mountains. Calgary’s 16% growth in population is noteworthy. Also noteworthy is the 30% growth of Canmore and other Alberta places whose prime business is the enjoyment of beauty. In B.C., Whistler gained 24% over the last five years, a figure all the more impressive given its 60% increase in the previous five years, and communities on Vancouver Island – at least those not threatened by logging – similarly attract people and investment simply because they are wonderful places.

The big population losers, the census shows us, are regions artificially developed for resource exploitation, and now undeveloped in other amenities. These include Newfoundland, which has plundered the seas of fish stocks, northern logging and mining communities from Quebec to British Columbia, and Saskatchewan, which found it could not profitably plough under its once pristine prairie grasslands.

These regions, which have neither the rich amenities nor the rich resources required to attract and maintain a large population, should have remained largely wilderness. Had Canadian governments not foolishly encouraged their exploitation, often through the force of law, they would never have been intensively developed.

Thanks to globalizing trends in forestry, in agriculture and in mining, rapacious Canadian laws are increasingly being trumped by free markets. With our governments’ ability to sell out our resources now curbed, citizens are increasingly empowered over the government-industrial complex that simultaneously destroys our economy and our environment.

President Bush’s softwood tariffs further this globalizing trend, raising hopes that our governments will realize that their ability to plunder has reached its limits. They might then agree to sell their forest lands to their citizens.

If they did, our governments would have the cash they so desperately need to finance their activities, our forests would be owned by true stewards of the land, Canada’s economy would savour a big boost and Americans would have our deep gratitude.

 

Posted in Forestry | Leave a comment

Money in the trees

Terence Corcoran
National Post
March 26, 2002

With six weeks to go before the United States actually imposes a 29% tariff on Canadian softwood lumber, there’s still time for the politicians to work out a compromise. Trade Minister Pierre Pettigrew obviously had that in mind yesterday when he tempered his rhetoric and urged the provinces to sit tight and wait for the negotiation process to run its course. He particularly resisted calls for retaliation. We don’t need an escalating trade war.

What we do need, however, is forest reform, whatever the tariff. Canadian forest policy is a tangled mess of incentives, distortions and regulations. One of the biggest problems overhanging the economics of forest operation is the B.C. government’s ownership of more than 90% of the province’s forests. Residents of British Columbia, along with most Canadians, cling to public ownership as a sacred core of Canadian policy. Forestry is a social program, managed by the government to create community stability and maximize employment rather than return on investment.

The case for privatization, however, grows by the day. The benefits of privatization might soon register with Gordon Campbell’s new Liberal government, which is strapped for cash and running up fresh debt. A rough estimate by one industry expert is that the province could sell a third of its forest for maybe up to US$7-billion, roughly equivalent to the deficits the government is expected to run up over the next few years.

The numbers come from Clark Binkley, former dean of forestry at the University of British Columbia and now chief investment officer at Hancock Timber Resource Group in Boston, a company that puts together forest privatization deals for institutional investors. Contacted yesterday, Mr. Binkley recalled calculations he made about a year ago. “I don’t have the numbers with me, so I’m going from memory here. But if you privatized 20 million hectares in total, which would be about a third of the commercial forest land in B.C., there would be about 3-million hectares on the coast that’s worth about $1,000 a hectare at least, or about $3-billion. The remaining 17-million hectares in the interior would be worth $300 a hectare or about $5-billion. And $300 a hectare is a very low number.”

The point is not in the precision of the numbers but in the impact of privatization on forest management and the trade dispute. An accompanying reform that removed the Canadian export ban on logs would transform B.C. forests into a healthier, and competitive resource, probably with lower timber cuts but at higher prices.

Privatized forests would also have an environmental benefit. Government ownership tends to create perverse incentives that artificially stimulate forestry at the expense of other interests. Sometimes government policy prohibits other use. Lawrence Solomon, in his article on this page, paints one picture of the impact of private ownership on forest development. He sees a dramatic increase in recreational and tourist use as entrepreneurs are free to compete for land ownership. Frankly, his outlook looks a little over-optimistic from a Green perspective. But who can say with certainty? A market for forest land use will be a much better determinant of healthy development than the current system.

A transparent, privately owned forest system, where prices and supply are determined by demand rather than policy, would certainly put an end to the endless political bickering over subsidies and stumpage. If the market sets the stumpage, there would be no subsidy to uncover before the WTO.

As we’ve argued here in the past, private ownership would add economic value in Canada. Market-driven pricing, from logging through to distribution, would improve the allocation of logs among different markets and uses. It would bring fresh capital investment to Canada’s forest sector.

The statistics on forest use in Canada and the United States are mind-numbing and, ultimately, inconclusive. But consider this isolated fact: Recent stumpage (the amount of money charged by the forest owner for each thousand board feet of lumber) in the B.C. interior is US$47. The stumpage on the same quantity of wood from a competitive private landlord in the southern United States is $145. This does not necessarily imply a subsidy. Indeed, Russ Taylor, publisher of the International Monthly Solid Wood Report in Vancouver, says the high U.S. stumpage fee is a function of “greedy [private] landlords” who are sticking it to the U.S. sawmill industry. Whatever the case, the discrepancy in stumpage rates might get resolved if Canada had a private forest management system.

In the meantime, the short-term outlook for the Canadian forest industry may not be as grim as it seems. Mr. Taylor predicts a booming market. One bell-weather lumber price is at a high of US$300. A 29% U.S. tariff would give $90 of that $300 to the U.S. government. But Canadian exporters would still get $210, a price that would allow most Canadians to break even or profit. At a tariff of 15%, Canadian companies would do even better. Over the long run, however, the trade dispute can only be resolved through private ownership and reform.

Posted in Forestry | Leave a comment

Spy in the car will charge drivers for jams

Edward Simpkins
Daily Telegraph
February 24, 2002

Every motorist in Britain will be monitored by satellite and charged for using busy routes under plans being presented by the government’s transport commissioner this week.

Under the proposals cars would be fitted with a global positioning device and drivers billed for sitting in traffic jams.

In a report to be published tomorrow, the Commission for Integrated Transport, chaired by David Begg, claims that the charges could reduce road congestion by up to 44 percent, saving 219 million human-hours, without increasing the overall tax burden.

The scheme would work by fitting all cars and lorries with a unit linked to a satellite covering the nation’s road network.

Drivers would be charged according to how busy the roads are and the time they are used. The scheme would be expected to raise £5.7 billion a year.

Prof. Begg, who was appointed to the commission three years after successfully introducing measures to curb car use in Edinburgh, where he was the city council’s transport convenor, suggested that vehicle excise duty and fuel duty be reduced to compensate motorists for the charges on busier roads, making the scheme tax-neutral.

He would prefer to see car tax scrapped altogether and fuel duty reduced by 2p per litre.

He said the proposals would be introduced once the public transport improvements promised in the government’s 10-year Transport Plan had been delivered so that drivers priced off the road would have an alternative.

Under the plan, an 80-mile journey from London to Rugby would cost £3.40. A journey of the same mileage on the M25 from Maidstone to Luton would cost £9.50.

Someone who commuted from Brighton to Croydon would pay £14 per day, but Prof. Begg says that the journey time would be cut by one-third to one hour, saving almost five weeks of working time per year.

“Our starting point was that roads are the only public utility that is free at the point of use. As a result, everyone wants to use the most popular roads at the same time, causing gridlock,” he said.

Although decisions on implementing the plan will be taken by ministers, the government has already mooted the possibility of using GPS technology to clamp down on speeding.

Edmund King, the director of the RAC Foundation, the motorists’ organization, said that charging would work only as part of a package that included spending to remove bottlenecks from the road network and introducing better traffic management.

“The other concern is that there would be obvious unfairness: drivers in rural areas would be much better off, whereas if you are a public-sector worker or on a lower income in the South-East you would be worse-off,” he said.

The proposals could find favour with business, however. The Confederation of British Industry calculates that traffic congestions costs employers £18 billion per year in lost time and lost business caused by delays.

Digby Jones, the director-general of the CBI said: “Reducing the multi-billion-pound cost of road congestion is a top business priority and making the way we all pay for road use fairer has to be part of the solution but the policy and practical implications are complex, as recent experience in London shows.” Ken Livingstone, the mayor of London, is expected to say this week that he will impose a £5 charge on motorists entering the city centre from next year. Westminster city council is threatening legal action to block the move.


Toronto’s magic bullet

The satellite tolling proposal was first circulated six years ago by Urban Renaissance Institute‘s Lawrence Solomon, when he suggested using satellite technology to toll vehicles and rein in road building and maintenance expenses, stem urban sprawl, ease traffic flow, reduce air pollution, and eliminate city governments’ financial dependence on provincial and federal levels of government.

Read “Toronto’s magic bullet,” Larry’s most recent article advocating satellite tolling published by the National Post, please go to: urban.probeinternational.org/torontos-magic-bullet

Posted in Toll roads, Transportation | Leave a comment

Current government responses, and their inadequacies

John Sewell Presentation
TDRC Reports
February 23/2002

I’ll talk on three issues: how the housing problem got here; government programs to serve the homeless; government programs to resolve the problems. Then will make a few concluding remarks.
1. Toronto and housing policies over the last twenty years
Housing costs have been on the rise for more than half a century. Until 1950, it was assumed a household should never pay more than 20 per cent of its incomes for housing. In the 1960s that rose to 25 per cent. In the late 1980s that rose to 30 per cent. There are lots of rumours it will go up to 35 per cent. In fact in Toronto, half the tenants pay more than 40 per cent of their income for housing, and a third pay more than 50 per cent.

Just by way of comparison. It’s generally said that in Italy a family pays 10 per cent of income on housing – which accounts for the fine way Italians dress, and the spectacular food they eat in restaurants. There are better ways of spending money than on the mortgage or the rent, but we are not a country which has yet learned that lesson.

As costs have risen, people in the middle have scrabbled to find places to live that they can afford. They ended up competing for the same houses that were priced at the low end of the market, driving up those prices considerably. Often these houses were occupied by those households with very little money – sometimes as rooming houses, or flats where bathrooms and kitchens were shared – and those people were evicted.

That’s one of the pressures that has created so much homelessness: the cheapest housing has been purchased by middle income families and taken off the market. The poor have no where to go.

The other pressure was the closing of the mental institutions in the early 1970s. This was done in the name of compassion, but the closure of the institutions was not accompanied by supportive places for the mentally ill to live. As we know, many of those in jails are mentally ill. One institution was replaced another, for some people.

These pressures were countered by a powerful affordable housing program starting in the early 1970s. The non-profit and non-profit co-op program built thousand of units in Toronto – probably close to 75,000 during the next 20 years. The program was large enough to provide housing for those feeling the pressures just noted.

But like all government programs which provide subsidies for social goods, this one grew stale after fifteen years. Some people found ways to take advantage of the program, and drove costs through the roof. Prime Minister Brian Mulroney cancelled the federal program in 1991, and Premier Mike Harris cancelled the provincial program in 1995. Instead of replacing the program that was worn out with one that was new and cost effective, they did nothing.

The result has been that those pressured out of the housing they were living in have no where to go. That’s why we have homelessness. It’s not complicated. If the inexpensive housing is disappearing (it disappears by becoming more expensive) there is bound to be a crisis for those who need it. And there is.

2. Serving the homeless.

a) Hostels currently house about 5000 a night. Tracked over a full year, there are 30,000 different individuals. Some use the hostel system every night, some use it only occasionally when they can’t make a n arrangement with friends or relatives to sleep on a couch. About 8000 of the homeless are children. Cost is about $50 per person per night – a total of $250,000 a night, or about $100 million a year. City pays almost one third of this, province pays about two thirds.
By the way, this is a system in growth. The formal hostel system has doubled in the last ten years.

Other homeless sleep on the street (maybe 1000 a night) and another 200 in Out of the Cold. They too use government services such as Street Patrols (supported by public subsidy), social agencies, police, public health officials, and hospital emergency rooms. The real cost here is hidden, but is probably $25 per person per night – a total of $60,000 a night, or about $20 million a year.
On any given night there are about 6200 homeless people in Toronto, and about $120 million is spent on them each year. Probably about half the 30,000 different individuals – about 15,000 – account for most of the hostel use and those sleeping rough. If they could be dealt with, then the hostel system could shrink very very considerably.

Suppose we said we wanted to help resolve the housing problems of these 15,000 individuals. Say we decided to help them with their rent by topping up the $325 shelter allowance from welfare a further $500 per month so they would have $825 to pay each month for rent. The cost of doing that would be $90 million a year. We could solve most of the problem of homelessness for $90 million and still have $30 million left over to deal with the part we hadn’t yet resolved.

But as a society we’ve set up an industry to serve the homeless rather than solve their problem, so we aren’t taking the easy or smart way out. In my opinion it’s only common sense to give them good housing and save money rather than spending all this money blaming them for being bad citizens.

b) Supportive Community Program Initiatives.
Introduced after Colleen Bradshaw, federal Minister of Labour, was appointed in early 1999 to respond to the Report on Homelessness led by Anne Golden. The SCPI program was introduced in December 1999, and its purpose was to develop a `seamless web of services and supports that people need to make a successful transition from street to a more stable and secure life. It will also help in the development of long term plans to address the underlying causes of homelessness and to develop a preventative agenda.’ The program had a total value of $305 million over three years, or about $100 million a year across the country.

Toronto looked at how the program might be implemented in this city. About $53 million would be available here, or about $17 million a year. Staff studied the matter and nine months later, in September 2000, announced its plan for spending this money. Of the total available under SCPI, staff proposed (and city council agreed) that $21 million, or about $7 million a year would be used on housing. The hang-up was that it could only be used for transitional housing, not for creating permanent new housing, and monies could only be spent on projects that were shown to be sustainable after SCPI was over. This $7 million is a tiny sum compared to Toronto’s annual expenditure, which exceeds $5 billion. It was one ten-thousandths of one per cent.

The city then issued a proposal call for ways to spend the money. In July 2001, projects totalling about $11 million for repair and new construction were approved. As of today, about $3 million of this amount has been dispersed. A number of projects simply haven’t got off the ground. Total number of new places to live built? Less than 100.

Of course, more are in the construction phase. Within a year, probably another 200 places to live will be available, of which perhaps half could be called permanent..

The point is, this is not a winning strategy. We are doing very little to make is easier for the homeless.

3. Solving the problem.

It sounds simplistic, but the problem here is there isn’t enough places for people with very little money to live and call home. To solve this problem, we must create housing that people can afford to live in on a permanent basis.

Here’s what’s happening on this front.

a) The city has a program encouraging rental housing on city land, writing down property taxes for a number of years and forgiving various building fees. Some units will be built under this program – probably 200 or more within the next two years, and it will sort of be affordable as the city tries to ensure that provincial rent supplements attach to these units. For the city, this is a significant achievement, given all its other financial problems.

b) The federal government announced a new housing program late last year, spending about $700 million over five years on new rental housing, with a maximum subsidy of $25,000 a unit. The program requires contributions by each province, so it can’t be implemented until an agreement is signed. Quebec has signed such an agreement, matching federal funds, and will built 6500 units over the next two years.

Ontario has yet to sign its agreement, so no funds are yet available. When it does sign, it is expected not to contribute any of its own fund , but require contributions by municipalities and charities. The chance of any of this housing becoming affordable to the homeless is very small. In any case, the total number of units that could be built in this province under this program will not exceed 3000 over 5 years (that’s 600 units a year) of which less than half would be in Toronto. At best, expect Toronto’s rental stock to increase by about 300 units a year. This will only happen if the provincial government signs the agreement.

4. That, in short, is why there’s a big problem.

5. In conclusion, a publicly funded housing program is needed. The amounts of money required are sizable, and no private company can come close to meeting them. Until we elect governments which see their job as helping give everyone a reasonable life, we’ll see this problem increasing.

In the meantime, individuals do what they can – Out of the Cold program, shanty towns and sheds, acts of individual charity and kindness.
What we can’t do is give up. If we keep pushing and working away, things are bound to get better.

Thank you.
John Sewell

Posted in Housing | Leave a comment