They get the gold, we get the shaft

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
January 11, 2000

Canada’s mining industry knows how to strike it rich, but it closely guards its secrets, for fear others will jump its claims. Now, the secret’s out. Here’s how it’s done.

Get federal and provincial governments to pick up the cost of geological surveys, infrastructure such as mining roads, and other preparatory work – all told, governments pony up $300-million to $400-million a year this way. Then, to part gullible investors from their money, hype your product on stock markets – the fast-and-loose Vancouver Stock Exchange was hard to beat, although BRE-X showed the TSE’s potential, too. Next, talk governments into selling you cut-rate power from their Crown-owned utilities. Better yet, tie the power payments to future profits that you know may never materialize. If the utility has no power to spare, convince it to build or expand a plant just for you – when was the last time a hydro passed up an opportunity to expand?

Tax holidays in the early years are not enough. Neither is a corporate income tax rate the banks would die for. Defer your taxes, too, and hey – why not also ask the government to waive your royalty payments?

Run your mine for a while – this business is cyclical, so you’re bound to have a string of good years, during which you’re entitled to scoop out profits. When the bad times come, why be sentimental? Go bankrupt, leaving creditors in the lurch, shareholders empty-handed, and taxpayers to clean up the contamination.

Then reorganize and start again. Or give someone else a chance. The bankrupt mining company will have hefty tax losses worth something to a new operator. Either way, the government will agree to give the new mine operator a fresh start by absolving it of back taxes and clean-up responsibility.

This is a composite of Canada’s mining industry, the companies that take metals, coal and structural materials such as stone out of the ground. The industry’s lobby group, the Mining Association of Canada, misses no opportunity to boast of its contribution in jobs and GDP to the economy. In fact, this entire mining sector – the Incos, Falconbridges and Norandas, as well as the Joe’s Gravel Pits that pockmark the countryside – represents but a thin 1% slice of the country’s GDP. Worse, that slice is one of the country’s least profitable, according to StatsCan’s quarterly evaluation of the industry. All of Canada’s mining companies combined earn only $1.2-billion in an average year – an amount exceeded by the tab mining companies leave behind for taxpayers to pick up.

Industry darling Peggy Witte, until recently the CEO of Royal Oak Mines Inc. and its fabled Giant gold mine in Yellowknife, ran a textbook operation after she acquired Giant in 1990 from a bankrupt Australian firm. Ms. Witte amassed an impressive collection of grants, cheap loans and tax incentives during the 1990s, saw several good years during which few questioned her $1-million-plus annual compensation, then led her company to bankruptcy in 1999, leaving behind $600-million in debts. She also left behind 270,000 tonnes of arsenic trioxide – that’s Agatha Christie-grade arsenic – for taxpayers to deal with in a cleanup estimated to cost between $250-million and $1.5-billion. On the plus side – for the next generation of polluters – she also left behind $200-million (US) in tax losses that justify restructuring the company. Royal Oak Mines Inc.’s new incarnation, ROM Inc., will soon be listed on the TSE.

Reckless tax and environmental rules like these, made by governments who confuse economic activity with true wealth creation, make much of Canada the destination of choice for big-time mining polluters skilled at extracting incentives from governments. The Vancouver-based Fraser Institute, in its annual survey of mining companies, found New Brunswick, Manitoba and Quebec ranked first, second and third among dozens of jurisdictions in having government policies pleasurable to mining companies. Alberta ranked fifth, Ontario seventh, and Saskatchewan eighth. Only Chile, Australia, Nevada and Arizona interrupted Canada’s dominance of the top 10 spots.

One Fraser Institute respondent, a vice-president of a junior mining company, gushed over the mining-friendly policies of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Ontario and Quebec: “These provinces actively support mining and provide incentives, favourable regulations, etc. Most importantly, the government is openly supportive and will back mining through difficult public challenges.”

No respondent called taxation a strong deterrent to exploration in New Brunswick and Alberta, and the percentage was almost as low for Quebec (2%), Manitoba (3%) and Ontario and Saskatchewan (5%). When it came to environmental regulation, no respondent complained of the rules in New Brunswick, Saskatchewan and Manitoba; 2% complained about Alberta and Quebec; and 4% about Ontario. In contrast, mining companies’ complaints about taxes and environmental regulations ran as high as 60% to 80% in other jurisdictions.

Little wonder that, under the rules of the game to date, mining company executives have been getting the gold, and the rest of us have been getting the shaft.

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The economic burden of motor vehicle collisions in British Columbia

Insurance Bureau of Canada

January 1/2000

Injury from motor vehicle collisions is one of the leading causes of morbidity and mortality in British Columbia. Despite this there is little information available regarding the costs of motor vehicle collisions.

Click here to view PDF

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Motor vehicle injuries per million passenger kilometres (Canada)

Insurance Bureau of Canada

January 1/2000

Spreadsheet format.


Click here to view PDF

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Ottawa dooms Canadians to higher fares

Fred McMahon
Financial Post
December 22, 1999

Most Canadian air travellers would be shocked by how badly they’ve been gouged by Canada’s officially sanctioned air duopoly. Domestic ticket prices have soared while international fares and U.S. fares have plummeted in real terms. Things are likely to get worse, with the federal government happily promoting a brand new Canadian monopoly.

Yesterday, the Competition Bureau proposed new conditions and regulations for Air Canada’s emerging monopoly. But regulations themselves tend to increase costs, and “consumer protection” rules usually end up protecting the monopolist from the consumer. Even worse, Canada’s political masters are willing to kick the competition watchdog into the basement at the drop of the political hat. That’s happened before in airlines, as well as in other key sectors.

In international flights from either the U.S. or Canada, and in U.S. domestic flights, air fares have glided downward over the past two decades in response to deregulation and increased competition. But not in domestic Canadian flights; not since the faux deregulation of 1988 cleared ticket prices for take-off. From 1987 to 1997, the most recently available data, domestic air fares in Canada climbed an astonishing 17% in after-inflation dollars (50% in before-inflation dollars). These numbers are based on Statistics Canada’s basket of ticket prices, including economy and discount fares.

But competition is alive and well on Canada’s international routes, where fares, which consistently rose less than inflation, are now lower in real terms than in 1987. In the United States, where competition is more intense, fares have fallen more than 15% since the mid-1980s. That’s the sort of competition Canada needs to stitch together our country’s long, thin ribbon of people. Instead, Canada’s airline policy has, if anything, frayed unity and reinforced north-south connections. The number of people flying between Canadian centres remained flat between 1987 and 1997.

Over the same period, the number flying to U.S. destinations rose by 80% while the number flying to other international destinations rose by 85%.

Today more people board planes for U.S. centres than for Canadian ones, and almost as many head off to other international destinations. The reasons for this are complex, but it sure doesn’t help that international air travel is often cheaper for Canadian consumers than travel within Canada.

Things would have been tougher for Canadian consumers had it not been for the entrepreneurs who got WestJet flying the Western skies in 1995. While ticket prices kept right on climbing in Eastern Canada, they plummeted between most Western cities, sticking travellers east of Manitoba with the bill for Canada’s duopoly.

Air travel is more heavily tilted to personal travel in Western than in Eastern Canada. Because personal travellers are more price-sensitive than business travellers, prices have generally risen more slowly in the West. Then competition from WestJet put the duopoly’s price thruster into reverse.

Canada is a big place with few people, too few to permit the multiple airlines — and their steep overheads — needed to bring competition. Canada’s 1988 deregulation only sped up a process already underway at the time: the gobbling up of regional airlines by Air Canada and Canadian Airlines International, formed by the combination of Pacific Western Airlines and Canadian Pacific. Canadian further reduced competition by absorbing the last major independent player, Wardair, in 1989.

Under the Air Canada-Canadian Air duopoly, competition never materialized. Canadian quickly found itself in financial difficulty, weakening its ability to compete with Air Canada and opening the door to the long-sustained price increases in domestic fares suffered by Canadian consumers.

Yet, the Canadian government continues to insist that Canadians fly between points in Canada only on Canadian-owned airplanes. Today, that means Air Canada and no one else on a regularly scheduled basis. It’s as if, in a fit of nation-building, Ottawa decided Canadians could use only Canadian-built communications equipment, and that only one Canadian company could build that equipment. Imagine how that would devastate Canada as a nation, particularly the economy. But, that’s exactly what’s happening in the airline industry. Our government’s only rationale seems to be that other nations have similar restrictions on domestic travel.

We need a “made for Canada” solution, not an aping of other nations’ restrictions. That means opening up Canadian skies for competition. Maybe we can negotiate reciprocal agreements with other nations; maybe not. But that’s hardly the key question. Government’s main concern should be enabling Canadians to get around the country efficiently.

Australia’s government had the foresight to come up with a “made in Australia” solution. The government allows foreign-owned carriers to provide service between domestic destinations, but not to foreign destinations. In a report earlier this year, Canada’s Competition Bureau recommended this rather half-baked solution, but Ottawa quickly rejected the idea. Instead, Ottawa and the bureau now seem intent on launching a new welter of regulations and rules, a messy and dangerous quarter-baked solution likely to leave the consumer with a severe case of regulation-poisoning.

A fact seemingly lost on the Canadian government is that a monopoly naturally seeks monopoly profits. Regulations themselves tend to push up prices, and a clever monopoly usually finds ways to circumvent elements that try to control prices. The airline justifies rising prices by pointing to rising costs. But there’s nothing natural about these costs. Without competition, neither management nor unions can be held in check. With their eye on monopoly profits, the unions have a hammer. In a monopoly, they can shut down national air travel. To avoid a strike, management agrees to increase wages. Labour costs rise. The monopolist tells the regulator it needs a big price increase to cover its costs.

The airline industry’s recent history — including the Liberal government’s failed attempt to hand over the Canadian airline industry to Liberal bagman Gerry Schwartz — highlights the need for real competition and a powerful competition watchdog that cannot be kicked aside by political whim.

Although it was his friend, Mr. Schwartz, who planned to bid for Air Canada and Canadian, Transportation Minister David Collenette suspended the Competition Act to allow the merger to proceed. Mr. Collenette then moved to pacify any political constituency he could think of, at whatever cost to the traveller. It’s no surprise Buzz Hargrove, the Canadian Auto Workers president, showed up to embrace Mr. Schwartz. The unions were already looking forward to their monopoly power in what would become a highly politicized sector.

Part of the deal was no layoffs, no new efficiencies in the Schwartz-Hargrove-Air Canada monopoly. Consumers would end up paying for soaring wages, monopoly profits, the massive cost of the takeover, and the management bloat that typifies monopolies, and all this without any major offsetting efficiencies.

The deal collapsed in a mess of political mismanagement, befitting Ottawa’s overall mishandling of the airline industry. But the key point to understand is that Ottawa had no care for Canadian consumers, and was intent only on politicizing the industry and buying off powerful interest groups.

And, that’s why Canada needs true competition — an opening of the domestic market to foreign airlines — not the mess of regulations and conditions proposed yesterday. Regulations have never worked as well as competition — but even worse, our political leaders are willing to muzzle the Competition Bureau, and competition, whenever they see a political edge.

If politicization of the air industry for “nationalist” reasons continues, Canada will only become less and less viable as a nation, as travel within Canada becomes ever more difficult and costly, and travel to centres outside Canada becomes ever more efficient.

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CAA calls for safer drivers, safer vehicles, safer roads

Canadian Accident Association

December 17, 1999

 

 

Toronto: Ontario is the third most dangerous province in which to drive, based on injury statistics from Transport Canada, says CAA Ontario. Transport Canada’s recently released 1998 Motor Vehicle Traffic Collision Statistics shows that drivers face the greatest risk of injury in Manitoba, followed by British Columbia and then Ontario.

“We are concerned that, despite new programs to combat drunk driving, young-driver crashes and unsafe trucks, Ontario remains among the most likely places in Canada to be injured in traffic,” says CAA Ontario spokesman David Leonhardt. “The one bright spot is that Ontario has an enviable record in avoiding the most severe injury – loss of life.”

Ontario government figures from 1997 show that lower limb fractures are the most frequent injuries requiring hospitalization, followed by neck and trunk fractures; non-fracture intracranial injuries; internal chest, abdomen and pelvis injuries; upper limb fractures and skull fractures. Had they been part of the list, injuries that lead to fatalities would rank fourth.

Because the need to make Ontario roads safer is so desperate, Leonhardt says CAA Ontario will participate in Transportation Minister David Turnbullís Safe Driving Advisory Group. “If the Group’s work leads to even a few road safety improvements, it will be well worth the time and effort.”

Leonhardt cautioned, however, that focusing on drivers alone will have limited benefits. “Roads will have to be improved too. We need safe drivers in safe vehicles driving on safe roads.”

Growing population and expanding trade have increased the number of cars and trucks on the road, says Leonhardt, but road expansion has not kept pace. Despite increased road-spending this year, he says that needs are increasing faster. “Grid-lock not only threatens to stifle economic growth; it puts our very safety at risk.”

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