Megaprojects continue to fall despite brave attempts to stem tide

Lawrence Solomon
Toronto Star
July 3, 1983

Despite the brave front put on by Energy Minister Jean Chretien and the embattled oil and electrical industries, the collapse of Canada’s megaprojects — projects valued at $100 million or more each — is continuing at a steady clip.

Since 1981, when the federal government’s Major Projects Task Force concluded that a potential half-trillion dollars in megaproject investments — 90 per cent of it energy-related — would fuel the Canadian economy to the year 2000, 186 megaprojects valued at over $278 billion have been shelved.

$42 billion

And although $42 billion in new megaproject proposals have surfaced, many of the $160 billion worth of surviving megaprojects are threatening to go the way of Alsands and Cold Lake:

  • The $2.4 billion Arctic Pilot Project continues to suffer setbacks. The National Energy Board stopped hearings into the liquefied natural gas export scheme after APP’s sponsors, led by Petro-Canada, changed their marketing plans in mid-stream and decided to go after European customers instead of the soft U.S. market.
  • The potential of Gulf Canada’s $5 billion Tarsuit field in the Beaufort Sea has been downgraded, according to R. H. Carlyle, a Gulf senior vice-president. Latest projections for the once-heralded field indicate only 350 million barrels of oil, well short of the 500 million to one billion needed to justify commercial development.
  • Mobil Oil’s $2.5 billion Venture field off Nova Scotia’s Sable Island — touted by the oil giant as “the first off-shore gas field in Canada” — has yet to be confirmed as commercial in scale. Worse still for this project, whose history dates back to 1959, when Mobil was granted Canada’s first east coast offshore exploration permit, its viability depends on exports to the U.S. market, which is awash in surpluses of natural gas.
  • Manitoba’s Limestone Hydroelectric generating station — the third jewel in a crown of six large plants to be built along the 410-mile Nelson River — becomes a more distant dream with each passing year. First postponed in 1977, Limestone could have been resurrected this year had any one of three other megaprojects proceeded — a $500 million aluminum smelter, a $500 million potash mine, or a $3.5 billion western power grid. Instead, the earliest that construction could start is 1986, and because of falling demand forecasts, construction could be deferred into the next century.
  • Ontario Hydro’s Darlington Nuclear Power Station — one of the country’s largest remaining energy projects and until recently thought immune from cancellation — is showing chinks in its armor, despite the $1 billion already spent. Last November, construction at two of Darlington’s four units was postponed two ears, and some members of Ontario Hydro’s board now admit the giant project is “under continual review.”

Officially, however, Ontario Hydro is keeping a stiff upper lip, with Hydro president Milan Nastich insisting that Darlington will be completed — a brave front emulated by his counterparts in the petroleum industry and by government officials. Energy Minister Jean Chretien, pointing to one of the few megaprojects to proceed — the relatively small $200 million Wolf Lake oil sands project in Northern Alberta — hailed the project for providing a much needed economic stimulus. And oil industry chiefs like John Lynn, president of Syncrude, argue that Canadians should stick to what we know best by restoring megaprojects to their proper role as “a fundamental part of Canada’s economic development strategy for the rest of the century.”

When pressed, however, many of the champions of these projects admit that the fate of the megaprojects depends less on political factors — such as the Ottawa-Newfoundland wrangling over control of the Hibernia field located, off the East Coast — than on the dictates of the marketplace.

Despite the widely predicted economic recovery, Canada’s oil industry continues to face declining sales for their products. Since 1980, sales have plummeted 20 per cent with consumers moving in droves to more stability by opting for conservation and fuels that are less volatile in price. In 1983, oil’s market share is dropping further — refined products such as gasoline, heating oil, and jet fuel could be down another five per cent — and more declines are expected in 1984.

Because of this falling demand, the amount of recoverable oil in Canada — thought four per cent smaller at the start of 1983 than the previous year — will last far longer than expected, forcing the oil companies to carry their inventories longer.

Dismal outlook

The result is a “pretty dismal outlook for our industry,” according to Gerald Coaker, Shell’s manager of energy economics. “We’ve never been in a situation like this before.”

The outlook for the electrical industry — whose investment potential at $200 billion surpassed that of the oil and gas industries, according to the 1981 Task Force Report — is even worse, with virtually all future megaprojects effectively shelved, many in-progress megaprojects threatened and even some completed megaprojects slated for mothballing.

Atomic Energy of Canada Limited’s two heavy water facilities in Cape Breton, Nova Scotia, have been spared to date for the sake of the jobs that would be lost in the economically depressed Maritimes, despite a total lack of demand for their output. Similarly, during the Ontario Energy Board hearings currently underway, Ontario Hydro conceded it plans to shut down one of the two massive heavy water facilities at its Bruce Peninsula complex by mid-1984.

These facilities, designed exclusively to provide, heavy water for new Candu nuclear reactors, became redundant when Canada’s nuclear industry took a nosedive. The only reactor beyond the ones at Darlington being considered to the end of this century — a second reactor at Point Lepreau, New Brunswick — is on indefinite hold. Although Jean Chretien, at the recent ribbon-cutting ceremonies for Point Lepreau No. 1, told his New Brunswick audience that he looked forward to authorizing a second reactor, he made it clear that “we must have assured markets first” for the power.

If he stays true to his word, and waits for Point Lepreau No. 2 to pass the test of the marketplace like Canada’s other megaprojects it may never see the light of day.

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Ottawa’s seers fall flat on faces

Lawrence Solomon
London Free Press
February 28, 1983

Special to the Free Press

Three years ago, Canada’s government was displeased with OPEC for raising oil prices, and furious with the western provinces for their intention to raise the price of oil by more than $2 a barrel.  In January of this year, International Trade Minister Gerald Regan went to the United Arab Emirates to plead for OPEC to keep the world price of oil high.  Two years ago, when the National Energy Program was being negotiated, the federal government promised to keep Canadian oil prices from rising above 75 per cent of the world price. This year, faced with a $26 billion deficit, the government is wavering on its commitment to shield Canadians from full world prices for oil and Petro-Canada Chairman” William Hopper is openly calling for Canadian consumers to pay 100 per cent of the world oil price.

These dramatic reversals in policy are not examples of government inconsistency: they are examples of the impossibility of accurately predicting the future. In 19SO, almost everyone was predicting rapidly increasing oil prices, and it was on this basis that government planners laid out their long-term plans for the petroleum industry, and for the revenues that would flow to the government from it.

The $13 billion Alsands project, which would have produced 137,000 barrels of oil a day, was going to be the first of A series of tar sands plants built in the 1980s and 1990s.  Other megaprojects, such as Cold Lake and the Alaska Highway Gas Pipeline, were also being counted on as part of Canada’s energy strategy.  Revenues from those projects and others would keep the federal government in gravy in the 1990s, when the cost of a barrel of oil was expected to top $80.  Until the megaprojects were built, revenues from the conventional oil and gas industry were expected to escalate rapidly along with the price of oil. For the 1981-1986 period alone the federal government was expecting a whopping $6l billion in revenues from the oil and gas industry.

Unfortunately, the universe did not unfold for the federal government as the government’s planners had supposed. The anticipated $61 billion in revenue plummeted by $23 billion to an anticipated $36 billion within a year, when the planners’ long-term forecasts of how much fuel we would need failed them. Revised forecasts in 1982 again proved wrong, arid expected revenue has dropped further.

And now, as it is becoming apparent that the Arabs are not going to keep the price of oil high for us, the federal government is forced to look for other ways of keeping oil prices high or risk seeing its expected revenues drop further still.

The government’s quandary is exacerbated by two other factors. Its energy planners were so sure that the price of oil would continue to rise that. They persuaded the government to in vest heavily in the petroleum industry. As a result, we have sunk billions into Dome and Petro-Can, buying out Petrofina and BP in the process.  At the same time that we were tying cur future so closely to the fortunes of the petroleum sector, the government unleashed a flurry of programs designed to get Canadians off oil, robbing itself of customers. According to government plans, 90 per cent of the homes, offices, and industries that ran on oil in 1980 would be converted to some other fuel by 1990.

It was a colossal gamble. The long-term planners thought they could afford to get most of us off oil because increasing oil prices would keep the government’s investment sound, and its revenues intact But they miscalculated both in their ability to control the price of oil and in their ability to control the rate at which Canadians went off oil.

As a result, the government has been left by its planners in an almost impossible trap. It is locked into:

  • Heavy investments in the petroleum industry, whose oil stocks have been halved in value since the National Energy Program was unveiled in 1980.
  • Continuing programs designed to get still more Canadians off oil.
  • Dependence on taxes from an industry that has ever fewer customers.
  • Declining revenue expectations because, unless the 75-percent ceiling in oil is removed, Canadian consumers will be paying less than expected for the oil.

Abolishing the 75-percent ceiling may not help generate government revenue either, since the higher cost to consumers will only drive them away from oil at a faster rate.

The government, it is becoming painfully clear, has been led astray by crystal-ball gazers attempting to do the impossible – predict what the world would look like years away. The cost of that mistake will have to borne by us all.  But there is a glimmer of hope that the lessons learned from this experience with long-term planning will prevent similar mistakes in future. The government’s strategy of putting all of its eggs into one basket – megaprojects with long lead times – is being widely questioned, even by the minister who oversaw it.

Bud Olson, federal minister of economic development, has concluded that, instead of megaprojects, “we need shorter-term, smaller projects that can be built in two or three years” to reduce the massive risks involved. Alsands’ collapse, he believes, was a jarring reminder to government that big, flashy resource projects inject a huge element of risk into a country’s economic development strategy. Instead, the idea should be to “think smaller” and stay more flexible.  His views are echoed by Petro-Can’s Hopper, who says it is fine to have long-term goals, as long as the policies stay short-term and adaptable, and by Alberta Energy Minister Mervin Leitch, who wants to minimize the need for long-term planning by tapping the tar sands, but in smaller, less risky projects that can be expanded in stages.

Many in industry would concur, since so many success stories were written using this very formula. Canadian Hunter’s discovery in the mid-1970s of the Elmworth-Deep Basin gas field, for example, was developed one step at a time – a well here, a mile of pipe there, a plant here. Yet despite the gradual pace of the expansion, the field is today capable of producing as much energy as an entire Alsands’ plant and without the benefit of a single long-term planner.

Long-term planning does, of course, have a role, such as in forecasting how many high schools will need to be built for particular communities, or in predicting the future revenues required to keep, say, the Canadian Pension Plan viable.  But we are all learning the hard way that planners should be called in only after options with shorter lead times have been rejected. And even then, we must all remember that, like the advice that comes from any seer, a planner’s advice should be taken with a grain of salt.

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Hydro’s Yule Rules questioned

Lawrence Solomon
Globe and Mail
December 11, 1980

“Light up your home for only $1.05 of electricity,” advertises Noma, Canada’s leader in Christmas lighting.

The advice, printed above a lit-up house, boasts that Noma’s energy-efficient lamps allow you to light 100 bulbs for 15 days, 4 hours a day, around your windows, over your doors and through your bushes, for about the price of a couple of bus tickets.  What isn’t Noma telling us? Nothing. The ad is exemplary. Attractive, factual, informative, it allows consumers to make up their own minds about how much Christmas lighting they find desirable.  Noma’s Econoel campaign is its boldest since the OPEC oil crisis of 1973, when Christmas was made the culprit for many of our energy problems. Noma took a beating in its Christmas business then as righteous souls everywhere pointed to the extravagantly lit tree. Most of us have gotten over those days, and Christmas light sales are at an all-time high.

“You Don’t Have To Shout Merry Christmas,” says Ontario Hydro in its latest advertising campaign. This ad is less than exemplary. Seemingly a carryover from the past, it is designed to teach Canadians how to celebrate Christmas.

Hydro offers three rules in its code of behaviour for us during this holiday season. The third one tells us how to avoid fires; the first two tell us how to live.

The first rule says, “If you decorate your house with Christmas lights, keep it simple. Too much of a good thing is a waste of electricity.”

This rule is fine for everyone who likes a minimum of Christmas lighting. But Canadians are not a homogenous lot. We all have our peculiarities, and for many of us, those peculiarities are expressed in the many distinctive ways we decorate our Christmas display. We have also inherited the Christmas heritage of the many cultures that make up the Canadian mosaic. Some use more colours and lights than others, but we all benefit from the diversity that results.

Canadians are, after all, no more than the sum of our cultures, and the freedom to express our culture should be near sacred. Were there an electricity shortage an argument could be made for interfering with our lifestyles for the sake of survival. But our electricity surplus is huge – we have the ability to generate more than 40 per cent more electricity than we’ll need on the coldest day of the winter. Under this circumstance, as long as we’re willing to pay for our electricity, there can be no justification for trying to control the public’s taste in Christmas decorations.

The second rule says, “Turn your Christmas display on after 7 p.m., when the demand for electricity is lighter. And please remember to switch it off at bed time.”

It gets dark about 5 p.m. during the weeks before Christmas. For families with small children who go to bed at 7:30 or 8 p.m., this is no small sacrifice – most of the viewing opportunities are lost by the time Hydro gives the O.K. to flick on the switch.  I still remember my delight as a child with lit-up Santas and reindeer on my favourite route home for dinner. Yet what can the rationale be for depriving today’s crop of youngsters from similar pleasures, when by Hydro’s own reckoning Christmas lighting amounts to less than one-twentieth of 1 per cent of the electricity we consume?

The answer is more than misplaced do-gooding on Hydro’s part. This latest advertising campaign is really an extension of Hydro’s “Save It Till Seven” campaign, which, under the banner of energy conservation, also attempts to directly interfere with the way we live.  Putting the same turkey into the oven into 7 p.m. instead of at 4 p.m., of course, does not save any electricity at all – it merely shifts the time at which Hydro must provide the electricity from peak to off-peak hours.

And here’s the rub. Nuclear power plants, which Hydro prefers to build, cannot meet peak demands. Unlike hydro-electric power and coal, both of which are abundant and highly flexible, nuclear power plants must run flat out 24 hours a day to be economic. For humans to fit in with a nuclear power system, we must run flat out too.

Only we’re not busy enough at 3 a.m. and too busy at 6 p.m. for nuclear power’s liking.

The “Save It Till Seven” campaign attempts to use guilt to get us to change our ways. But Hydro feels we need a more direct incentive to behave better and Hydro will soon be providing it.

People who insist on eating dinner at dinnertime will find they have to pay more for the privilege – Hydro intends to charge more for electricity used around the supper hour to discourage its use. Hydro also hopes to change our working patterns by offering a bonus – in the form of reduced hydro rates – to employers who switch their production runs from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. shifts to, say, midnight to 8 a.m. shifts.

In doing so Hydro is not trying to be malicious – it is merely trying to make us conform to the nuclear power system it sincerely believes in. This kind of initiative may be acceptable in a country like Russia, where people have been scheduled to meet the needs of that country’s production equipment since 1917.

But in a country with a democratic tradition like Canada’s, this interference by a state-run monopoly is incompatible with the way social decisions should be made.

In the short term, the effect of Hydro’s policies may be limited to various aspects of our culture; in the longer term, if bodies like the American Civil Liberties Union are right, nuclear power could spell the end of democratic society.

Recognition of the danger to society that Hydro represents has been noted by the Ontario Energy Board. After an Energy Probe presentation earlier this year warning that Hydro’s advertising campaigns unnecessarily raised the cost of power and “represent an untoward interference in the democratic process by a Crown corporation,” the Ontario Energy Board ruled that Hydro should slash its advertising budget and advised the Ontario Government to set up a review process to weed out Hydro’s misleading advertising.

One fundamental question remains, however: what justifications can there ever be for public servants to use public funds to tell the people they presumably serve how to behave? Why shouldn’t we shout, “Merry Christmas!” if we choose to? In a choice between Hydro, a state-owned corporation, and Noma, a private corporation, I prefer to get my information about Christmas from Noma. In a choice between nuclear power and nuclear power plants and Christmas displays, I’ll take the Christmas displays.

Mr. Solomon is a writer with Energy Probe.

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Christmas gifts capture spirit of conservation

Lawrence Solomon
Globe and Mail
November 20, 1980

“What can I give my husband for Christmas that’s sexier than insulation but still saves energy,” a reader asked me over the telephone. “This year I’m determined to buy Christmas gifts that are in keeping with Christmas values.”

“How about an electric razor,” I suggested. “Electric razors are more efficient than safety razors because they save relatively large amounts of energy needed to heat water.

“No good,” was the reply. “He already has an electric razor and besides, I’m looking for something that’s truly non-commercial. My parents are getting a down-filled comforter and my 26-year-old daughter has agreed to use the bicycle I’m buying her. My family think I’m crazy, but I want to start practicing some of the things I’ve believed in for a long time.”

Although the caller did not know it, she is not alone in being conservation-conscious. According to the Stanford Research Institute in the United States, the fastest-growing sector of the market is made up of people who are guided by energy and environmental concerns in making their purchases. This market, which is already estimated at more than 20 million adults in the United States, has convinced several U.S. retailers to merchandise their wares on the basis of energy efficiency.

In Canada, Eaton’s is the leader in the field, being both good corporate citizens and shrewd marketers by identifying about 75 products in their stores as energy savers – a respectable beginning in a field Eaton’s expects to increase in the next few years. Thomas Gladney, the company’s executive responsible for the energy-saving promotion, looks forward to the day that energy departments are set up in department stores, predicting that “consumers will choose products because of their energy characteristics – energy will tip the balance.”

The energy-saving products Eaton’s has tagged – items like thermally lined drapes that prevent heat loss through windows and electric kettles that switch off automatically when they reach a boil – need not limit Christmas shoppers out to fill their gift list while still husbanding nature’s resources. Energy-saving gifts can be easily recognized even if untagged, and they do more than register a vote for nature. They also provide skilled jobs for Canadians since, one way or another, the excess use of energy replaces some form of human talent.

Handcrafted and custom-designed products should be sought not only because the levels of workmanship are usually higher but also because less energy (and more labour) is employed when mass production machinery isn’t substituted for human skills. Whether jewellery, fashions or furniture, the more human attention a product receives, the less energy it generally consumes. Another way of looking at it is that every dollar that’s spent on human “energy” is a dollar that isn’t spent on coal, oil or electricity.

Not surprisingly, gifts that use even less energy than, hand-made goods are those that are primarily composed of human services. These gifts also tend to be the most innovative, and the most personal, since the services must be cleverly tailored to the people on the receiving end.

Friends of mine who recently moved into a new house were especially delighted with one of the house-warming gifts they received – a sketch of their own home. The couple that gave it unknowingly got great energy mileage out of that gift – about the only energy consumed was in the artist’s transportation to her perch opposite the house. Those same friends one year earlier had given their housekeeper a Christmas gift that meant much more to her than others she might have received – a telephone call to her children in Jamaica, whom she hadn’t seen in two years.

One of the most heart-warming gifts I remember receiving was a “Season’s Greeting” card from CARE, announcing that a friend had made a gift in my name to help the needy overseas. Other charities have similar services, and an advantage to the giver is a tax-deductible receipt, which reduces the cost of the gift by up to half.

Possibly the most energy-conserving gift of all is Energy Probe’s version and it’s the one I best like to give over the Christmas holidays – cards made of 100 per cent recycled paper announcing donations made toward a safe energy future.

There is only one way to do better than buying an energy-efficient gift, and that’s to make it yourself. It’s hard to beat a hand-knitted sweater for energy efficiency or for thoughtfulness.

The material a product is made of is also a major factor in selecting conserving products. It takes less energy to produce glass than iron and steel, something to keep in mind if you’re stuck in selecting between glass and metal bakeware.

But these materials are a conserver’s dream when compared to plastic products. Per pound, plastics require five to six times as much manufacturing energy as glass or iron and steel, ruling out many of the trendy plastics now used in everything from furniture to golf bags. Even plastics, though, look good next to aluminium, which uses 20 times as much manufacturing energy as glass.

Although the selection of energy-efficient goods and services is huge, it is unnecessarily limited by manufacturers’ persistent over packaging – a practice that is both insulting to the 1 purchaser’s intelligence and harmful to the environment. Steering clear of over packaged goods has another advantage as well – more value for your gift dollars as you avoid paying for merchandise that serves no useful purpose.

Where does all this leave the energy-conscious shopper? After you’ve eliminated over packaged products and those made of plastics, and those that are mass-produced, what do you have left to select from?

The answer is just about everything that requires a little extra care in the making, or a little extra thought in the giving.

And that’s a pretty good place to start for anyone who’s concerned about keeping Christmas values during the holiday season.

Mr. Solomon is a writer with Energy Probe.

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Excerpt on auto-insurance from the official report of debates of the Legislative Assembly (Hansard)

February 4/1974

Legislative Assembly of British Columbia

1974 Legislative Session: 4th Session, 30th Parliament
HANSARD


The following electronic version is for informational purposes only.
The printed version remains the official version.


Official Report of

DEBATES OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY

(Hansard)


MONDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 1974

Afternoon Sitting

Mr. Bennett: . . . Many people of this province found it hard to believe this government’s performance in daylight saving time – the daylight saving time follies – but they shouldn’t really have been surprised. That was only a rehearsal for the great Autoplan premium game.

Underlying all this silliness there is a very serious danger that the Premier of this province will continue to make political rate adjustments in every aspect of public business. Are we next going to go into political rate adjustments for light bills if people complain? Are we going to go into political rate adjustments for gas rates if the people complain, or groups complain – or maybe if just the right people complain? Maybe special train fares for people that complain.

No wonder the ICBC ads feature a series of question marks. Where will he strike next? So much for experts.

Mr. Speaker, the performance of this government in connection with its automobile insurance scheme has been one of misrepresentation, mismanagement, waste, deceit, extravagance – and not just since day one, but from long before day one. The proof of all those charges isn’t in what I’ve said; it’s in what they’ve been saying all along.

I’m going to give you some examples. I want to quote from a letter that the Premier wrote, when he was Leader of the Opposition, in 1970 to a lady in Victoria. Here it is. And he says:

“As to automobile insurance rates, my sympathy is very much with an insurance agent and his small business. But they too are victims of a non-competitive controlled market. Our proposal for a Crown-owned automobile insurance agency would include the sale of British Columbia auto insurance through existing agents in competition with any other company that wished to stay in the field in British Columbia.”

This letter is signed by David Barrett, MLA, Leader of the Opposition. Shades of the steel mills. There’s his words, backed up in writing and signed.

I’m going to quote you what the present Premier – now that he’s Premier – and his Minister of Public Works (Hon. Mr. Hartley), an acknowledged rate expert, had to say about premiums during the 1972 election campaign. And remember, this was the main plank of the NDP platform in that election; this was their solemn promise; this is why they said, “Trust us.”

First, here is what the present Premier said in August, 1972, at a meeting on the Sechelt Peninsula. I quote from the Sechelt Peninsula Times.

“Mr. Barrett said the installation of a public auto insurance scheme in B.C. would protect drivers from the overcharging by private companies. ‘We would provide several side benefits to B.C. As well as cutting back auto insurance premiums by 20 per cent, public auto insurance would also put an end to the exorbitant rates charged to young drivers and it would stop the practice of charging super penalties to high-risk drivers who pay high rates because they might have had an accident, and even higher rates when they do have an accident.’ “

What about the driving certificates, Mr. Premier – the second part of the three-part auto insurance premium? What about it? No penalties.

Probably the answer is that if you’ve got a good fiction story going – and I’m trying to be polite so we’ll just call it fiction – you escalate the fiction. Because here’s what the present Minister of Public Works (Hon. Mr. Hartley) had to say in the same election, and I quote from The Kelowna Daily Courier:

“Public insurance would cost about 35 per cent less…”

He’s a little more extravagant than the former Leader of the Opposition, the Premier. It’s 20 to 35 per cent – the election is getting closer, the rate cuts are getting higher.

“…35 per cent less than the motorists now pay. This is an estimated amount spent now by t h e 185 insurance companies for administration, he said.”

He’s going to save 35 per cent because his insurance is going to have no administration.

An Hon. Member: No advertising.

Mr. Bennett: No administration cost. Look at the ICBC building in Vancouver and the Royal Towers – all those people running around, no overhead, no administration. And then he goes on to say, “Records would be kept in computers in Victoria.” Victoria in Atlanta, Georgia.

Mr. Phillips: They’re going to keep it inside those lazy susans.

Mr. Bennett: What happened to those pledges, Mr. Speaker? What happened was that the public

[ Page 30 ]

swallowed that fiction, and the once $5 million petty cash account was set up and a new round of promises began – a whole new round of promises.

For example, on March 5 last in this House the insurance Minister (Hon. Mr. Strachan) said:

“Only insurance costs and experience will be charged against this plan. The plan will be self-sustaining. All services rendered by any department of government or otherwise will be paid for from moneys belonging to the plan. No subsidy from departments.”

That’s what he said – no subsidy from departments. But right here, on December 14 last, the Insurance Corporation bought a three-and-one-half acre site in Coquitlam. About 70 per cent of it was held by a private owner who was paid $540,000 for his property.

Mrs. Jordan: Who’s the MLA for there?

Mr. Bennett: The other 30 per cent was Crown land, and our information is, Mr. Speaker, that to this day no money has been paid for this land to the Crown. Is this the pledge that the government wouldn’t subsidize ICBC to help it look just a little better than it looks right now?

Again, on March 5 last the insurance Minister accused the private insurance industry of failing to provide a good, efficient, rapid claims service. And he went on to say: “Only government has the clout and is willing to undertake the burden of overcoming these difficulties.” Some clout. Never mind the good, efficient, rapid claims service – where are the claim centres, Mr. Minister? Which one’s open and ready for March I?

Once again on March 5 last, the insurance Minister promised that no money would be squandered in wasteful administration costs. Well, let’s quote a few paragraphs from a column in The Vancouver Sun by a Mr. Allan Fotheringham. What does he suggest? Well, he talks about people getting salary increases. He says: “Someone who’s in the $17,000, $18,000 salary range is taking a jump to $24,000 to go at ICBC.” He says: “The public relations man was hired at some $35,000, but then this government puts a lot of stock in public relations men.” $35,000.

And then, he says: “There’s the matter of the ICBC grabbing, holus-bolus, seven stories in the Royal Centre.” This is the overhead and the administration costs which the Minister of Public Works (Hon. Mr. Hartley) said you weren’t going to have, and he was going to save.

Then he goes on to give a whole list of fantastic salaries. The Minister said he wasn’t going to waste any money.

And again on March 5 last, the insurance Minister promised that every single penny that comes into the plan would be kept for the benefit of the motorists in British Columbia and invested in British Columbia. Does Lloyds of London work for the ICBC for nothing? Does the computer company in Atlanta, Georgia, work for the ICBC for nothing? Does the Royal Bank have its head office in British Columbia, Mr. Speaker? Those are just a few questions we’ll be asking about this great new enterprise which the business ability, the organizational ability of the Minister of Finance (Hon. Mr. Barrett) has helped to set up for the benefit of the people of British Columbia, to demonstrate the true level of his expertise which this government brought to the planning of its insurance corporation.

I want to quote some statements from that final authority, the ultimate authority on insurance rates -the Minister of Public Works (Hon. Mr. Hartley). These were the careful calculations that this Minister made in his remarks to the House on January 27, 1972. I’ve headlined this: “Hartley Discovers $25 Car Insurance.” He says:

“The first step, possibly the most simple and easiest step for you to take, would merely be to expand your present programme of government car insurance – the programme that you have for 6,500 government vehicles…” – this is when he’s in the opposition talking to the former government – “…that are now out bucking the snowdrifts driving under the most hazardous conditions night and day at this time of year.”

You know that the Highways report that was filed on January 20, on page 14 (b) gives a report from the government’s own car insurance. Here he states that the former government insured its own vehicles for $23.85. He says:

“We insure all our publicly-owned vehicles that are operated by the government in various government departments for approximately one-eighth to one-tenth of what it would cost if you had insured them through private industry. The total cost for 6,000 vehicles is $125,000.” He said, “If you had insured these through private car insurance corporations, it would have cost $1 million more than that.” He goes on to say: “If they can save $1 million on 6,500 vehicles, what could we do with a thousand times that on 650,000 vehicles?”

The Minister of Public Works (Hon. Mr. Hartley) would save the people of B.C. $1 billion by his own calculations.

Mr. Chabot: He should resign.

Mr. Bennett: Now we hope on this side of the House, Mr. Speaker, that there’s no truth to the ugly rumour that the present insurance Minister is about to be fired. But should it be true, then obviously

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there’s only one choice for the job – the Minister of Public Works. He’s going to save us $1 billion a year. Why, if he was in charge he could clean up this whole mess today. He’s already said there’s no overhead, no building. For $38.50 a year he can insure everyone’s car in B.C. – $23.50. Why isn’t he the Minister of insurance?

And then from his calculations – and this proves the stock that this party held in his financial ability, his wizardry, because before the Premier became Minister of Finance he was the financial wizard of the NDP – they ran his figures in public ads saying: “We will give you $25 car insurance.” Financial wizards.

Then the Minister of Health (Hon. Mr. Cocke) spoke on the automobile insurance bill last spring, and I think it sums up the feeling of all the Members in this House. He said, and I quote, “I would hate to be part of a government that deceived the public.”

Amen, Mr. Speaker. Amen.

Some Hon. Members: Amen.

Mr. Bennett: The blunt fact about the government’s insurance scheme is that it was conceived in deceit, born in confusion, and delivered in chaos. You said, “I would hate to be part of a government that deceived the public.” I’ve read back the statements of your Members. Are you calling them liars? Are you calling your Members I’ve just quoted liars? Are you calling the Members…?

An Hon. Member: Not at all.

Mr. Bennett: Then what’s deceit? And that auto insurance expert, Jes Odam, in the Sun – and he’s made a study of auto insurance – and I quote from him as a final wrap-up. He says:

“Our Premier, with all due respect to him, was talking balderdash, piffle and poppycock.

Many drivers will pay more for auto insurance from this government for a variety of reasons.”

Well, the Premier of this province has tried to draw a red herring across the trail of his broken auto insurance promises by challenging not only the Leader of the Opposition but other party leaders as well to come out against car insurance at the next election. I challenge him to show where I ever came out against government car insurance.

But, more to the point, I promise him that when my party takes over the government, we will bring sound business management to the ICBC and we will bring the end of monopoly of government in the field of automobile insurance. We will establish premium rates not on the basis of politics but on the basis of genuine competition with private insurance companies, developed by the experts.

Now, something about housing. Housing was in the Speech from the Throne, Mr. Speaker. Once more I don’t want you to take my word far it because here you have the word of the Premier for it. Only a couple of months ago he said, “The housing situation has gone from bad to worse.” Bad to terrible during the first year of his administration – bad to terrible -and that it was going to get worse. Well, he was right. He’s finally right. The housing situation did go from bad to worse during the first year of his administration, and it did get terrible, it did get worse.

What we have today in B.C. is a housing crisis. The irony of the situation, Mr. Speaker, is that it never had to happen – broken promises and mistakes. This crisis was largely of this government’s own making. Although the throne speech tells us that during this session we will see some frantic high-cost, big-bureaucracy patchwork efforts to catch up on the crisis, no amount of Band-aid building by Dunhill Development will excuse this government from its total lack of performance in the housing field for the last 18 months.

Mr. Chabot: Even Dunsky can’t advertise them out of that.

Mrs. Jordan: Consumer affairs looking after the huts.

An Hon. Member: They’ll need more than McNelly to move themselves out of that.

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