Editorial – The end of national currencies

Lawrence Solomon
The Next City
December 21, 1997

Everyone can mint money in the electronic global village

 

Discussion

 

 

 

 

IN A REFLECTIVE MOMENT before a gathering of former world leaders almost two years ago, Prime Minister Jean Chrétien described governance in our new lean, mean era of global free trade. "International finance knows no borders," he told the aging heads of state, who had had the luxury of presiding over closed-shop countries with a free hand to finance lavish pet schemes. "Tidal waves of money wash effortlessly backwards and forwards, buffeting interest rates and exchange rates [and destroying] the best-laid plans of government." The best that a nation state can hope to do, a sombre Chrétien concluded, is "influence these flows even if it cannot control them. . . . We cannot stop globalization."

 

In this the citizens of the world can rejoice. When globalization hit the Western countries, the casualties were economically and environmentally unsustainable megaprojects such as nuclear reactors, arctic pipelines, and hydrodams such as Quebec’s Great Whale project — state vanity projects that could be built only if insulated from economic reality. When globalization hit Asia last summer in the form of a currency crisis, among the first casualties was Malaysia’s Bakun dam, a $7-billion pariah that local communities and international environmental groups had long fought. If globalization comes to China soon, it will halt the $100-billion Three Gorges dam, the mother of all megaprojects, and end the forcible relocation of almost two million people from the Yangtze River Valley, the country’s most productive agricultural region. Without globalization, this worst nightmare of the citizenry — and shining dream of every Chinese leader since the 1920s — cannot be stopped.

 

Government leaders have good reason to fear globalization — worldwide deregulation represents the greatest transfer of power in the history of the world, from ruling national elites to the world’s citizenry, complete with the loss of the trappings of power. National airlines, national petroleum companies, and many other once proud symbols of national sovereignty already lie in ruins. Soon, the greatest sovereignty symbols of all — national currencies — will disappear.

 

THE DISAPPEARANCE HAS ALREADY BEGUN in Europe, where the euro, under the control of one European central bank, will replace the national currencies and central banks of 11 nations next year and, by the year 2002, may encompass all of Western Europe. In Asia and Latin America, countries such as Hong Kong and Argentina abolished their central banks and made their domestic currencies U.S.-dollar equivalents. Some financial analysts predict that in five years the nations of the world will divide themselves into three zones, each with a central bank and its own currency — the euro, for countries that predominantly trade with Europe, the yen for Asia, and the dollar for the countries of the Americas.

 

The logic in abandoning national currencies — local monopolies that serve no productive purpose — becomes clearer as international trade and world travel increase. According to the European Commission, someone travelling to each member state, exchanging his money into the local currency at each border, would lose up to half his funds without making a single purchase. While business, too, welcomes losing the expense and hassle of exchanging currency, it especially values eliminating the risk of exchange rate fluctuations. Because a national currency can nosedive 10, 20, or even 30 per cent in a matter of days, exporters and importers can’t trade their wares with any confidence that the payment will have its expected worth when it comes due. As a result, many large companies now hedge their activities through various financial instruments that — for a price — eliminate the risk of the transaction and bring some stability to the chaotic world of national monopoly currencies.

 

As the world moves toward three regional currencies, with three regional central banks, and as nationalists get over the disappearance of their local currencies, there will be moves to unify all currencies under a single institution run jointly by the three central banks or by the International Monetary Fund, conceived by John Maynard Keynes as a world central bank issuing an international currency. But one currency and one central bank would not be an unmitigated blessing but an unmitigated curse. This one unelected global monopoly would be responsible for issuing the right amount of money needed to lubricate the world economy — an impossible task since different countries, and different regions within counties, necessarily have different rates of economic growth and different rates of inflation. Too much liquidity could lead to runaway world inflation; too little, to deflation and even depression.

 

Because the central bank would invariably be wrong, the global economy would be more vulnerable than ever to discipline from currency traders. If a world currency were forced to devalue, the entire globe could suffer convulsions far more severe than those of the Great Depression. Trying to spare themselves from the turmoil, some countries would defect from the world currency. Anarchy would ensue.

 

Fortunately, this scenario is unlikely, not because government leaders will balk at the seductive logic of merging central banks but because our cumbersome, inefficient, outdated central banking system will soon be overtaken. In the post-central bank era, the people will be sovereign, their domain will encompass the Internet, and their currencies of choice will be electronic but rooted in reality.

 

THROUGHOUT HISTORY, PEOPLE USED ALMOST ANY COMMODITY as money — early currencies included salt, tea, and grain — but none proved as convenient as precious metals, especially gold and silver, which best met the chief requirements of currency — inherently valuable yet easily divisible, allowing for large and small transactions alike; consistent and predictable in quality, avoiding the need to assess the currency’s value as well as the value of the goods traded. Commodity-based currencies coexisted and exchanged one for the other at known ratios, just as we exchange paper currencies.

 

But unlike these naturally occurring currencies, today’s government-created paper currencies have no underlying value — their worth depends entirely on the confidence citizens have in their politicians. Pretend as we might that politicians will protect their value, that pretence can vanish — and all-too-often does — overnight, sending paper currencies into a tailspin.

 

Money was originally produced independently of government. The dollar began as a one-ounce silver coin produced by a 16th-century Bohemian count named Schlick, who lived in Joachim’s Valley, or Joachimsthal. Because of his coins’ reputation for uniformity and fineness, they became known as Joachim’s "thalers," from which "dollar" emerged. Unlike today’s holders of dollars, holders of thalers did not expect their money to devalue year after year through one form or another of debasement.

 

When governments first monopolized coinage, the royal coins often bore the guarantees of private bankers, to overcome public distrust of the government. Over time, governments shelved these private guarantees, leading to widespread inflation — no commodity in the history of the world has been more debased than government-issued money. Even in today’s era of relative fiscal prudence, the Bank of Canada only aims to limit the debasement of our currency to three per cent a year.

 

Because cumbersome central bank currencies can’t keep up with modern money needs, CyberCash, DigiCash, and an explosion of other alternatives, backed by the likes of Microsoft, Hewlett-Packard, EDS, and many of the world’s leading banks, are already available on the Internet, while international smart card currency Mondex — now being tested in Canada and elsewhere — expects within 15 years to replace 60 per cent of paper and coin currencies with electronic money created beyond central bank control. Count on the central bankers to try to cripple these competitors with regulations, but don’t count on them to succeed. Faced with a choice between a central bank currency, that’s as trustworthy as the politicians that ultimately control them, and a currency from a Microsoft or a Deutsche Bank, who will fully back them with gold or some other commodity, consumers will steadily switch — eventually stampede — to the security and flexibility of private currencies, leading to a run on central banks that eventually will force them to close their doors.

 

 

BECAUSE DEREGULATION, PRIVATIZATION, FREE TRADE, and other components of globalization have barely begun, most commodities remain very thinly traded, making them illiquid and inappropriate as currencies. But with the Internet bringing six billion people into one global village marketplace, where even microtransactions worth fractions of pennies can be profitably transacted, an enormous proliferation of commodities will qualify as currencies, ushering in a wealth of new consumer services. None will be more important than giving individuals and small businesses the same ability to hedge their finances that big businesses enjoy.

 

In saving to purchase a house, a young couple today may fear that real estate prices three years hence — when they expect they’ll have enough for their down payment — will outstrip their savings. Some panic and buy a house before they’re ready. With the availability of hedging services, couples would be able to save relevant currencies — say a real estate currency or commodity index tied to the types of neighborhoods they’re considering. Other consumers might save currencies such as frequent flyer points to pay for their annual vacations, or currencies that reflect their gasoline purchases or other routine expenditures. But for most routine, day-to-day transactions — and for savings untied to any particular purchase — the currency is likely to be gold, the historic currency of choice of the world’s populace. Barter, once an aspect of primitive societies, becomes efficient and largely indistinct from currency exchange in the electronic global village; national currencies, meanwhile, become primitive mediums of exchange.

 

THOUGH NATIONAL CURRENCIES have served no useful purpose, they created much misery for the poor and other vulnerable members of society, and not just through the unsustainable megaprojects they allowed. Through inflation, the pensions and other savings that people relied on in their latter years became devalued, sometimes reducing their lifestyles to subsistence. Inflation also burdened people who did not rely on fixed incomes: Mortgages became unnecessarily high, everyone thought more in the short term, since inflation made long-term investments that much more speculative.

 

Great as the economic costs of national currency monopolies have been — nothing short of war approaches the destruction left in their wake — national currencies also exacted great social and moral costs. Chief among these has been the devaluation of government itself. Raising taxes is often necessary but rarely popular, a combination that leads weak leaders to hide their taxing activities from the populace through their monopoly over currency. Inflation pushes people who haven’t seen a real wage increase into a higher tax bracket, giving them an effective pay cut, and it allows the government to repudiate its debts to its own people while requiring them to pay the government’s foreign lenders in full. National monopoly currencies make governments sovereigns over us, instead of servants to us; they divorce government from the citizenry, breeding a destructive mutual cynicism.

 

The post-central bank era will bring people and their leaders together, encouraging them to share the same dreams for the future. The currency of our much discredited institution of government will then soar.

 

Lawrence Solomon
Editor

 


Discussion


Robert Anderson, Sheridan, Wyoming, responds: January 18, 1998

A good friend sent me your essay because I have been interested in this subject for many years. As a retired professor of money and banking, however, I still can’t resist "lecturing" on this topic to informed individuals such as yourself!

I fully concur with you that the world expansion of the market economy is, fortunately, undermining statist nationalism, especially our monopolistic central banking systems. However, in describing this evolution it is important to distinguish between money and money substitutes. The monetization of private credit in the form of an electronic medium of exchange, with it’s incredible acceleration in the "velocity" of money, should not be confused with money proper. While fiduciary credit expansion and its velocity are major determinants of the exchange value of money, final settlement of these credit claims must ultimately be paid in either fiat money (if central banks possess a monopoly over money issue) or gold (if a free market in money prevails).

Your observation, "an enormous proliferation of commodities will qualify as currencies," needs some qualification and clarification. Money serves the function of economic calculation as a medium of exchange and, as such, its objective exchange value is partially determined by the quantity of goods and services bidding for money. For a more extensive discussion on this subject, the best analysis is still Ludwig von Mises’s, The Theory of Money and Credit, especially the section dealing with the determinants of the objective exchange value of money.

A final and profound point on monetary theory which few economists grasp today! Money, unlike any other economic good, does not enhance its utility by an increase in its total supply. Any change in the total supply of money, upward or downward, is a disutility to its function as a medium of exchange. Many years ago, Murray Rothbard wrote a short booklet entitled, What Has Government Done To Our Money, which succinctly explains this point. I commend it to you as one of the most insightful essays on money ever written!

Your essay is excellent and I hope you will continue to develop this theme in your future writings. I hope I haven’t offended you by injecting more Austrian economic theory into your analysis.


J.C. Stefan Spicer, Vice-President, Central Fund of Canada Limited, Anacaster, Ontario, responds: January 20, 1998

 

Your article was a very insightful piece of work. The debasing of what was once money into today’s currencies has been abhorrent.

 


Tom Kennedy, Ottawa, responds: February 20, 1998

 

You predict the demise of national government "monopoly" currencies, and a proliferation of Internet currencies co-existing with three continental currencies. I am pleased that you recognize that while barter is perceived as an aspect of primitive societies, it is becoming more efficient and may in fact become largely indistinct from currency exchange in the developing electronic global village.

It is true that anyone can mint "interest-free" money in the electronic global village and many are already doing just that in local communities all around the world by trading skills, services, and products using the popular LETS (Local Employment Trading System) software created by Michael Linton from Courtenay, British Columbia, in 1983. The initial development of the LETS software was financed by John C. Turmel from Ottawa. Now there are well over 3,000 local communities using the LETS software which is really delivering its participants a local interest-free banking system. The long-term plan for the expansion of the LETS model as an interest-free banking system is to use the Internet to eventually link thousands of these local communities using the LETS software, so that trading can occur globally as well as locally and nationally.

You did not mention whether your vision of a global economy will have an "interest-bearing" or an "interest-free" currency. There is a critical difference and I invite you to continue your research and include the study of an "interest-free" Internet currency and how it would compare to our current "interest-bearing" federal money. I draw your attention to these URL’s where you can explore more about what other great thinkers are writing about money in the 21st century.


Lawrence Solomon replies

Without central bank monopolies, there will be room for currencies of all types, including interest-free currencies such as LETS, a system that allows participants to perform work for one another. But because interest-free currencies must sustain themselves through various other costs (sometimes hidden), which a competitive currency regime would ferret out, they will not prove popular. Most consumers, given a choice, will prefer to pay interest.

Professor Anderson will be pleased to learn that the commodity-backed currencies I described do not depend on fiat money. The regulatory regime governing Mondex, today’s leading electronic currency, permits Mondex to issue currency units that can be exchanged for gold or silver, as well as for paper currency. Free market currencies will be entering the marketplace far sooner than most people realize.

 

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Novel cure

Lorne Gunter
Montreal Gazette
July 1, 1998

Tom Flanagan’s cure for what ails Indian reserves is novel, especially for a conservative.

It’s not more federal or provincial money, or fewer controls over existing transfers. Indians don’t need enhanced cultural identity or greater control over natural resources, health care, education, child welfare, policing or criminal justice.

If Indians want self-government, they must be prepared to be taxed.

Reserves have become "rentier" states, Flanagan writes in the summer issue of the smart, attractive libertarian-conservative magazine The Next City. Money, often-vast sums of it, flows into rentier states (such as the oil-rich emirates in the Persian Gulf and the oil-rich reserves of Alberta) whether or not anyone in the state earns it.

The Stoney Nation west of Calgary has become an economic and social disaster area, despite receiving nearly $80,000 per family each year in federal transfers and oil and gas royalties.

"Democracy and the rule of law can’t take hold" in rentier states, says Flanagan, "because citizens, not having to pay for government, do not take owner-hip of it. The population develops a … mentality in which reward rests on chance and situation rather than work.

OLD BATTLE CRY

The old battle cry, "No taxation without representation," is also true in reverse. There can be no meaningful representation without taxation. While the relationship is far from perfect, the theory in non-aboriginal society (and mostly the practice) is that taxation binds the interest of those taxed to the ongoing deliberations of their governors, while compelling the governors to be accountable for the manner in which they spend the taxes they collect.

Involving ordinary Indians in the governance of their reserves. Flanagan continues, would help reduce the corruption, nepotism, cronyism and incompetence that plagues far too many reserves, and is the true impediment to self-government. Contrary to the popular myths propagated by white liberals and Indian politicians, the last vestiges of colonialism and systemic prejudice, if they exist at all, are not what it is standing between Indians and self-reliance.

For instance, the three chiefs on the Stoney reserve together collected $450,000 tax free in 1997, the same year their reserve ran up a $5.6-million deficit. Twelve, mostly young Stoneys, out of a total population of 3,300, died "unnatural deaths by suicide, accident, violent crime or drug overdose," yet a dozen band members held a budget meeting in Phoenix.

It is routine on reserves across Canada for newly elected or re-elected councillors to fire band employees appointed by the previous council and replace them with family or clan members.

"None of this is to say that native politics is more factional than Canadian politics generally. All politics is factional," Flanagan contends. "But whereas Canada’s factionalism operates on a large scale and in a formalized way… pervading diverse linguistic, regional and economic organizations; native factionalism operates on a small scale and in an informal way, with competition limited to kin groups and friendship networks."

PERSONAL POLITICS

In other words, reserve politics aren’t factional as much as they are personal. And there are no dirtier politics than personal politics.

The problems of bad management and nepotism on reserves are compounded by the small scale of reserve governments and the enormous range of responsibilities they seek to take on.

"In the wider Canadian system," Flanagan explains, "these functions would be parceled out to numerous bodies – federal and provincial departments, regulatory commissions, courts, city councils, school boards, police commissions, hospital boards," and so on. Not that such bodies do not exist on reserves, but when they do; band councils exercise much greater control over them than outside politicians do over similar agencies.

"This concentration of authority lets a small group of officials direct large volumes of money passing through the community (which are also often the only significant source of income in the community), making the potential rewards of holding office in an aboriginal government far larger than, say, for a city councillor (or) a mayor of a small town."

Because bands are too small to provide a talent pool from which to draw’ enough capable administrators and because the potential for abuse of office is so great, Flanagan expects very little improvement soon. So he also suggests encouraging more young Indians to move off the reserve. "Would that be such a bad thing?" the University of Calgary political scientist asks.

Nearly half of treaty Indians already live off-reserve. And contrary to the propaganda, Indians off the reserve are more likely to earn a living wage and are less prone to social ills.

 

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How many planets?

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
June 19, 2007

To learn how reprehensible you are, visit www.myfootprint.org to determine your ecological footprint. Five minutes later, after you have breezed through the 14-question survey inquiring as to where you live, how you get around, how often you eat meat, and whether your home has electricity and running water, you will discover that five to six Earths, or maybe even more, would be required to sustain the planet’s human population if everyone squandered as many resources as you.
The number of planets needed to
support different lifestyles,
according to an "ecological footprint"
test at http://www.myfootprint.org.
Myfootprint.Org, Kagan McLeod
National Post

Redo the survey, imagining that you have reformed your profligate lifestyle. You now live in a tiny house. You take public transit daily, refusing to even share an automobile ride with a friend. You eat meat only once a week. You have fewer than 2.2 children. You take no trips by plane.

Not good enough. "If everyone lived like you," the Web site tells you, "we would need 3.0 planets."

Think "subsistence." Give up that tiny house and move into a hut with no electricity or running water. Give up public transit and ride a mule. Forsake meat altogether and forsake your children, too.

Still not good enough – "we would need 1.4 planets" to support a world in which everyone lived like you, the Web site admonishes. To get your footprint down to about one planet, it turns out, you also need to become a vegan – no eggs, cheese or other animal products – or to give up on oranges and bananas, which are imported from faraway places.

The ecological footprint is the 1992 brainchild of William Rees, a British Columbia professor of regional planning, who counted up all the productive land on Earth (he says it’s easy), divided it by the world’s population, and subtracted the amount of land needed to absorb the carbon dioxide and other wastes that humans produce. The result is the average footprint available to humans at our current population.

This simple model offended environmentalists, however. It penalized organic farming, which has low yields, and also encouraged the conversion of original ecosystems to high-yield monoculture crops. When applied to countries, it made Canadians seem very virtuous because of our vast agricultural lands.

So Rees with others, and then others without Rees, began churning out new, improved footprint models. When these, too, didn’t produce the results they needed they layered biodiversity models over the footprint models in repeated attempts to overcome the continuing shortcomings.

They failed, and will continue to do so, and not only because their crude one-size-fits-all approach to the environment is profoundly anti-ecological – Earth abounds with ecological niches, each with its own characteristics, each having different productive capacities in different hands at different times. These models fail because they have it backward. Our footprint doesn’t decrease as we approach a subsistence economy, and meat consumption doesn’t doom us to wasteful agriculture. Just the opposite.

The first settlers in my city of Toronto, for example, were Indians, who initially lived in communities of several hundred, later increasing to several thousand. These Iroquois were Big Foots. Apart from requiring outlying hunting and fishing camps, along with foraging grounds, Iroquois agriculture required about one hectare per person, which they would clear by girdling trees (removing the bark at their base to kill them) and burning brush and weeds. The soil in these fields, because it wasn’t manured, quickly became depleted, forcing the Iroquois to relocate their villages to nearby areas. The scarred lands that they abandoned only slowly returned to wilderness.

The footprint of Toronto residents, as with those in other parts of North America, became smaller with the arrival of European settlers, who brought with them livestock and a more efficient agriculture. With livestock manure replenishing the soil, settlements became permanent and surrounding areas were put to better use.

With further improvements in agriculture, the footprint became smaller still. By 1900, half as many farmers were required to feed us as in colonial times, along with far less land. That trend continues today, with ever less land needed to feed ever more people living ever longer and at ever higher standards – malnutrition, once a major concern, has all but vanished here. Likewise, with virtually all other commodities, humans do more and more with less and less. We are more resource-efficient now than at any time in human history.

To ecological-footprint advocates such as Rees, technological improvements do not demonstrate human resourcefulness and adaptability. Rather, they are part of the problem.

"We can show that, in fact, in the world’s most technological economically efficient countries such as Japan, the United States, West Germany, the Netherlands, Austria, as their technologies have improved, as efficiencies have steadily increased over the last couple of decades, so has per-capita consumption," Rees states. "And therefore, of course, gross consumption and gross waste production are also increasing. I would even argue that this is a result of increased efficiencies."

Even the high-tech, low-resource use information-technology industries, which generate great wealth with little more resources than those required for a silicone chip, draw regrets. "The problem is, if you look a little deeper, people in these kinds of high-end service and knowledge-based sectors are high-income earners," he adds. "Yes, we’re creating more of our money wealth through the knowledge-based sectors, but in so doing, our incomes are rising more rapidly, so per-capita consumption increases."

Ecological footprints are really not about living within our means, by making the most of the resources that we have in our world. They’re about making do with less on spiritual grounds – Rees asserts that a GDP of $7,000 to $8,000 per person is all that’s needed to maximize human happiness.

Ecological footprints are really not about ecology, either.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute and author of Toronto Sprawls: A History (University of Toronto Press).

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The two blows that killed the industry

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
August 1, 2009

No industry in history has held more promise, been more welcomed, received more favours and failed more spectacularly than the commercial nuclear power industry.
When U.S. president Dwight D. Eisenhower launched a civilian nuclear program in the early 1950s, it was to universal acclaim. Not only would nuclear reactors be safe and provide electricity that was too cheap to meter, it would help redeem a technology that had unleashed horrors at Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
Governments wholeheartedly backed nuclear power, as did the corporate world and the general public.

When anti-nuclear protesters in the 1950s and 1960s marched in favour of nuclear disarmament, they often coupled their desire to “Ban the Bomb” by advocacy for commercial nuclear power, in the hope of turning swords into ploughshares.  When the modern environmental movement began in the late 1960s and early 1970s, environmental groups, too, supported commercial nuclear power, Energy Probe among them. They saw nuclear power as a hopeful alternative to coal, the dominant polluting fuel.  There was no shortage of goodwill for commercial reactors; the failure of this technology to succeed was internal to itself.

Eisenhower was first to face facts on nuclear power’s limitations when, to usher in this new industry, he created the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC).  To Eisenhower’s surprise and that of the AEC, a study that it commissioned determined that a credible industrial accident at a modest-sized reactor near a modest-sized city could kill 3,400 people, injure 43,000 and cause $7-billion in property damage.  Although the risk of such an accident was low, the potential damage rendered nuclear plants uninsurable. Governments needed to step in to exempt electric utilities and manufacturers such as General Electric from liability — otherwise, these companies told governments, they could not risk being wiped out in the event of a serious accident.  But even after governments provided exemptions from liability, nuclear reactors were proving to be uncompetitive.

Energy Probe first opposed nuclear power on economic grounds, when its 1974 report found Ontario Hydro’s expansion plans to be uneconomic.  Only later would environmental groups add health and safety concerns to their critiques of nuclear power, and for good reason: In an attempt to gain economies of scale, reactor manufacturers tried building ever-larger reactors, leading not only to often-colossal cost overruns as the technology’s complexity stumped designers, but also to the larger health and safety risks that accompanied the up-sized reactors.  Because all nuclear plants were operated by utilities that were either government-owned or government-regulated, and without the financial discipline or disclosure required of private sector firms, the nuclear industry was able to expand well into the 1970s.

Then two blows hit the nuclear industry; it would never recover.  The first, a partial meltdown at Three Mile Island in 1979, led to more stringent safety regulation that further raised the industry’s costs while casting doubt on many of the safety and reliability claims that the industry had made.  The 1980s saw the cancellation of expansion plans and waves of defaults, such as the multi-billion default facing bondholders in the Washington Power Supply System.   The second blow — the United Kingdom’s privatization of the power industry in 1989 — utterly destroyed what was left of the industry’s credibility.

An editorial in the Observer, entitled “Nuclear Fantasy,” summed it up.

“It has taken the cold stare of the City [London’s financial district] to penetrate the veils of secrecy and deceit that have long enveloped the nuclear industry,” it wrote.

“Privatization has proved that nuclear power is hopelessly uneconomic and saddled with decommissioning costs that no private company could accept without huge guarantees from the government.

“Yet from the 1950s to a few months ago, anyone who breathed the slightest doubt about its viability was met with a blizzard of faulty figures and downright lies.”

The industry was now dead in the West, even if it took a while for Western governments to accept it.  Ontario became one of the very last Western jurisdictions to learn, although the lesson never seemed to completely sink in.

Successive Ontario governments came to power in the 1980s and 1990s promising (but failing) to stop the Darlington [Darlington Nuclear Generating Station, located on the north shore of Lake Ontario in Clarington, Ontario, near Toronto, is comprised of four reactors. Planned in the early 1970s and constructed between 1981 and 1993, its cost overruns led to the effective bankruptcy and dismantling of Ontario Hydro, a provincial crown corporation. The Darlington reactors have a total output of 3512 MW (capacity net) and 3740 MW (gross net).] nuclear power station.  Darlington became one of the last plants to be completed in North America, coming in 10 years late, six times over-budget and bankrupting Ontario Hydro.

Nuclear power’s chief failing, then as now, remains economic.

Have governments now learned that nuclear power cannot compete? The facts on the ground say yes. History says no.

Posted in Energy | Leave a comment

Business as usual

Sue-Ann Levy
Toronto Sun
September 29, 2005

When council meets this morning, there will be lots of talk about how all the rot and secrecy has been swept from City Hall now that the $18-million MFP computer leasing inquiry is over.

I can already hear Mayor David Miller and his minions beating their chests about the dawn of a new era of "enlightenment," respect and openness under their watch.

What a joke! The flow of information at City Hall these days is sealed tighter than an oil drum – and from what I can see, morale is in the dumpster as employees wait to see who will suffer the wrath of the socialists next.

Today, councillors Mike Del Grande and Jane Pitfield will also ask for a tally on the total severances recently paid out to a wave of senior bureaucrats who were recently dismissed without most councillors’ knowledge until after the fact.

Among them, respected Angelos Bacopoulos, solid waste general manager, whose contract was reportedly not renewed with a year to go because his view of the world didn’t jibe with that of the mayor and his leftist inner circle.

Del Grande figures at least nine senior officials have been let go since January. Pitfield doubts allowances were made in the 2005 budget for such severances and wants to know where the money is coming from. It’ll be tough to get answers.

If there was ever a process that sorely needs to be dragged out of the closet, it’s how the city’s $7-billion budget is allocated. I fear the scrutiny will be even far less this year with Pitfield gone from the budget advisory committee.

For taxpayers sake, I’m hoping Coun. Norm Kelly’s newly minted Alternate Budget Committee (ABC) will at least be a thorn in the side of the mayor and his socialist spendaholics.

Kelly’s managed to attract professors from Toronto’s two distinguished business faculties and corporate representatives, along with several councillors. "I would hope that the mayor looks at this seriously . . . I think it’s in his best interest to do that," said Kelly.

If one message came through loud and clear at the ABC’s first meeting earlier this week, it’s the need to make the city’s spending decisions much, much more transparent.

Prof. Richard Irving of York University’s Schulich School of Business told me yesterday the city’s approach to budgeting reminds him of where the business community was in the 1970s – that is, departments aren’t integrated as a team and those best at "game-playing" get the budget spoils.

He’s convinced if they were able to "open up the damn thing" – by providing real-time financial details available through the city’s SAP computer system to a "large number of eyes" – it would be easier to "motivate change" within the city.

Tasha Kheiriddin, Ontario director of the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, thinks taxpayers’ interests are not being "respected" by city officials.

"Nobody really seems to know where the money is going . . . there seems to be a real closed shop (at City Hall)" she said, noting her group has had trouble getting "basic stuff" on how city grants are spent. She added the province is "much more forthcoming."

Lawrence Solomon, executive director of the Urban Renaissance Institute, has innovative ideas on road tolls and garbage collection. He was encouraged by ABC’s agreement about the "culture of secrecy" at City Hall and would like to see Toronto open up its books to everyone.

"It would be hard to ignore recommendations coming out of a committee like this."

Pitfield says she’s "embracing" the opportunity to be on the ABC: "If nothing else it will be a fresh new way of looking at things."

 

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