Remitter revolution

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
June 10, 2004

Our generosity to the Third World grows and grows, with more money leaving our shores each year to do good works abroad.

Miraculously, this new aid is delivered with very little waste or overhead – not the 30% to 50% all too common to aid delivered via governmental aid agencies or even the 20% in overhead that worthy charities such as Oxfam manage – but 10%, 5% or even less. Even more miraculously, virtually all of the money goes precisely where it does great good. None of this money is squandered on showcase projects named after the local despot, none of this money is lost to corruption, all of it goes to recipients at the grassroots, to pay for medical or educational needs, to help with housing and other living costs or as micro-loans to help them start small businesses.

This successful method of delivering aid occurs through what are called remittances – the cash transfers immigrants send to their loved ones in their country of birth. These remittances have been growing rapidly over the last decade and now reach about US$100-billion a year, according to figures released at this week’s G8 Summit, dwarfing the $50-billion in foreign aid Western governments send to poor countries.

In many developing countries, in fact, foreign aid is either negligible or entirely absent. Remittances, in contrast, have been life-savers. A recent study produced by the Inter-American Development Bank that focused on remittances from the United States – by far the largest source of such funds – highlights the difference remittances make. The study found that the 10 million regular remitters among U.S. Latinos on average send about 10% of their household income to their country of birth. That 10% makes all the difference in the world for the recipients.

In Latin America and the Caribbean, remittances represent 50% to 80% of the recipients’ household income, depending on the country. Counting just the official figures transmitted through banks and other lending institutions, this region received $38-billion in 2003, mostly from Canada and the United States (large amounts are also transferred informally, via friends and other informal networks).

Remittances now underpin the economies of many countries. A World Bank study last year of 74 low- and middle-income countries found remitters reduce the proportion of people living in poverty in a Third World country by about 1.2% for every 10% increase in the country’s remittances. Other studies estimate that every dollar of remittance injected into a local economy leads to an increase in local GDP of $2 to $3, as recipients spend the money buying local goods and services and meeting their basic needs.

Remittances come partly from recent immigrants who plan to return to the country of birth but mostly from permanent residents – “New Americans” or “New Canadians,” as they call themselves on this continent – who often continue to send money back to their birth countries more than a decade after making North America their home. Typically they send money back home regularly, often monthly to replace the income they would have provided had they remained in their former country. But when disaster strikes their homeland – as happened earlier last month when the Dominican Republic was deluged with floods – immigrants open their often meager wallets further, to provide a collective outpouring of emergency relief for their countrymen back home.

Those small sums immigrants send add up to a large slice of the GDP for many countries. Nicaragua is an extreme case, with 24% of its GDP coming from remittances. But many countries also log substantial levels of remittances. In the fast-modernizing Philippines, for example, remittances have been increasing at a rate of about 5% per year, making them the country’s single biggest source of capital and accounting for about 10% of the Filipino GDP. The Philippines are on track to pull in about $8-billion in remittances in 2004.

Because Filipinos understand the importance of remittances to the Philippine economy – these transfers are credited with maintaining a stable peso and spurring economic growth and prosperity – the Philippines treats remitters as heroes with a mission. Political leaders from the Prime Minister on down laud remitters’ service to the country. And to prepare the next generation of remitters, potential emigrants are encouraged to upgrade their skills at home, the better to market their services abroad. Where once the ranks of remitters were dominated by low-skilled nannies and factory workers, higher-paying remitters have become common. Nurses, lab technicians, engineers, teachers, and other professionals – typically trained in the Philippines – now account for 35% of Filipino remitters.

The country with the highest proportion of professional remitters, however, is India. And those remitters, many of them in software and other high-tech industries, send home more money than any other country. This sophisticated group of remitters – two-thirds of Indians in North America do their banking online – has just pointed the way to more progress in encouraging remittances.

Although the cost of sending remittances has come down dramatically, in some countries the cost remains high, discouraging many remitters, or leading them to postpone remittances until a travelling friend can relay them in person. To increase the usefulness of the remittance system and put more money in the hands of recipients, yesterday’s G8 meeting struggled with the challenge of lowering remittance costs.

Also yesterday, on the other side of the globe, the Indian Overseas Bank showed the G8 how to do it: It launched “e-Cash Home,” an Internet-based online remittance service that will allow Indians abroad to remit money back home – to any bank account in India – for as little as $4. Rather than the 40- to 60-day wait that is now customary, Indian recipients will now receive their remittances in just four days. The Indian service will start in the United States, then roll out to Canada and other nations with Indian remitters. Look for similar rollouts to occur in the Philippines and other remittance-receiving nations. And look for remittances to do ever more good, as more of the remittances make it to recipients and as immigration continues to increase.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute and Consumer Policy Institute, divisions of Energy Probe

Related articles and speeches:
Thank immigrants for real estate gains
How immigrants improve our economy and environment
The key to rural immigration in New Brunswick
Elitist immigration policy bars poor, unskilled workers
New immigrants enrich Canadian cities
Adding immigrants will improve the environment
Mongrel nations
The next great power
Give us your healthy, your wealthy, your wise

Posted in Immigration | Leave a comment

And now ‘e-Cash Home’ for NRIs

June 9/2004The Indian Overseas Bank on Wednesday launched an Internet-based online remittance product ‘e-Cash Home,’ providing a fast channel for United States-based non-resident Indians to remit money back home.

Rediff.com

Posted in Immigration | Leave a comment

Tuesday’s G8 Summit Briefing

 
Press briefing by Jim Wilkinson and Barry Bennett
The White House
June 8/2004
“The President and the G8 will endorse an initiative known as Ending the Cycle of Famine in the Horn of Africa – that’s the title. It will, as I said, improve worldwide emergency assessment and response systems to help combat famine.”
Posted in Immigration | Leave a comment

Invest your vote

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
June 5, 2004

Voting in federal elections will never be the same again, not once it sinks in to voters that the new voting rules let our votes count twice – once at the ballot box, in determining the immediate contest for member of parliament, and once as an investment in our favourite party, to financially strengthen it between elections and ready it for the next. The biggest potential winners under the new rules in the election campaign underway: the Conservative Party and the Green Party. The biggest potential loser: the New Democratic Party.

The new rules benefit any federal party that garners 2% of the national vote, or 5% of the votes obtained in fielding a limited slate: Each vote received is worth $1.75 a year, or as much as $10 per vote over the life of a mandate. Unlike the past, no vote cast for a mainstream party, or even an upstart such as the Green Party, will ever be “wasted” again on a candidate sure to lose. We voters will know that our trek to the ballot box, at a minimum, will do our favourite party financial good, even if our pick has no chance of winning the riding. More importantly, the vote payments will discourage the common habit of “strategic voting” – voting for someone other than our first choice.

Say you are a committed conservative living in a left-leaning riding such as Toronto’s Danforth, where the leading contenders this year are soft-left Liberal Dennis Mills and hard-left New Democrat Jack Layton, the party leader. Your conservative candidate has not the slightest chance of pulling off an upset. If past election rules applied, you would have puzzled over whether your conservative cause was best furthered by denying Layton and the NDP a seat, in which case you’d vote Liberal, or whether the Liberals must be punished at all costs for the sponsorship scandal, in which case you’d vote NDP. In past elections, people in your predicament across the political spectrum have held their nose and voted in large numbers against their true preference. In the 2000 federal election, for example, almost half the supporters of the NDP and the PCs voted strategically.

This year, many voters will shun strategic voting, and just partly to provide their party with cash. Strategic voting has become doubly heinous: Not only does it provides a disliked candidate with symbolic support, it finances the disliked candidate’s party, helping to arm it against their own party in the next election.

Such calculations will be occurring across Canada among voters of all political persuasions, whether they be Liberals in lost-cause Alberta ridings or NDPers in Quebec. Increasingly, Canadians will vote their hearts as well as their minds. Look for uncompetitive candidates in all parties to appeal to their supporters to cast their votes on June 28 with an eye to the good of their party. Look for less of a spread between top contenders and runners-up. And look for tempers to flare between the NDP, the party that most stands to lose, and the Greens, a party that stands to gain greatly.

Political parties are coalitions, often ones that have merged uncomfortable allies. This is true of the recently united Conservatives, whose members broadly agree on economic policy but are bitterly divided on social issues such as abortion and capital punishment. And it is true of the NDP, which long ago united large-S socialists, in the form of Big Labour, with small-S socialists, in the form of community-minded citizens, many of whom are driven by a concern for the environment. One big difference between the Conservative and NDP coalitions: Dissenters within the Conservative coalition have no place to go; dissenters within the NDP who have environmental leanings, in contrast, have a credible new party in the Greens that will let them vote their hearts without wasting their votes.

Once environmental voters understand their options, the outflow from the NDP could be considerable. In disputes between Big Labour and the environment – whether to maintain logging and mining jobs, whether to subsidize the building of more highways and more auto plants – the NDP invariably backs Big Labour, to the dismay of its environmental supporters. Many environmental voters have already bolted the party of hard hats, helping to explain why the Greens now poll 6% nationally and 13% in British Columbia. Little wonder that the NDP – to stave off further defections to the Greens – heavily emphasizes its environmental credentials in its platform and in television advertising, all the while happily excluding the Greens from the televised leaders’ debates.

Apart from hurting the NDP and helping the Green Party, the new voting rules stand to help the Conservatives as well, so much so that party leader Stephen Harper may rethink his long-standing wish for proportional representation, a voting system that gives parties electoral seats in proportion to their popular vote. Proportional representation would surely fragment the right-of-centre alliance into social conservative and economic conservative camps, and likely a libertarian splinter group as well. With the status quo, if the Conservative Party now wins the popular vote, it would have a chance to prove itself as a governing party and it would have a good funding base for the next election. For Conservatives, this may be as good as it gets.

The calculus is the opposite for the NDP, which also demands proportional representation. Because it has already been split by the Greens, it has much to gain from a proportional representation system likely to provide it with an entrenched share of power. Layton will not rethink his support for proportional representation, not least because he stands to personally lose from the current system: The Green Party leader, Jim Harris, is running as a candidate in the same riding that Layton and Mills are bitterly contesting. When people vote with their hearts, unexpected heartbreaks can occur.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Toronto-based Urban Renaissance Institute. www.urban.probeinternational .org

Posted in City states | Leave a comment

Explosive resource

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
May 29, 2004

Trinidad and Tobago, a tiny island nation with vast natural gas reserves that it can’t easily export, earlier this week inked a deal with aluminum giant Alcoa that points to progress for both parties, and for us.

Under the deal, Alcoa will build a US$1-billion aluminum smelter in Trinidad, to use cheap electricity generated by exploiting the potential in Trinidad’s natural gas fields. This is only the second smelter Alcoa, the world’s largest aluminum producer, has built in the last 20 years, the other being a nearly completed plant in Iceland, also an island nation with hard-to-export energy. Alcoa’s new power-guzzling aluminum smelters replace mothballed Alcoa smelters in the United States, which, unlike Trinidad, has higher value uses for its energy. Following U.S. electricity deregulation, power producers can now profitably transmit power to U.S. locales that can use it more intelligently than in low-grade uses, such as converting tons of bauxite into half as many tons of aluminum. The Pacific Northwest alone has seen eight of its 10 smelters shut down, the better to satisfy higher-paying power users such as the west coast’s high-tech and media industries.

This transition in the U.S. away from a commodity resource industry is good for a highly developed economy such as America’s. Even dynamic developing economies such as Russia’s and China’s, to conserve their electricity for higher grade uses, are relocating their electricity-intensive aluminum production to countries that can’t find more productive uses for their power. The list of countries slated for new aluminum production includes the likes of Brunei, Bahrain, Guinea . . . and Canada, whose politicized and over-regulated system directs electricity to crude uses, instead of freeing it up for the highest bidders, anywhere on the continent. To encourage Alcoa to expand in Quebec, for example, the provincial government last week offered it a US$100-million interest-free loan and subsidized electricity for the next 50 years.

Simply put, resource industries, among others that are electricity intensive, routinely lobby for, and obtain, large amounts of subsidized power from our provincially owned electricity monopolies. When Canada stops subsidizing its electricity guzzlers, as China has begun doing, the smelters will move to more sensible locations, simultaneously modernizing the economies of all concerned. Such a worldwide transformation is also underway in fertilizers, plastics, steel, and other energy-intensive industries. Instead of importing energy from developing countries, developed countries are increasingly importing energy-intensive products, to the benefit of all. In Trinidad’s case, the transformation is all the more sensible because natural gas, unlike oil, cannot be easily exported without first converting it into liquid form, an expensive and fuel-consuming process.

With the Alcoa plant, Trinidad will obtain a large workforce – its smelter will employ 1,000 workers during its construction and 575 permanent workers. More importantly, Trinidad’s economy will have an opportunity to diversify away from oil, gas and petrochemicals, which account for more than one-quarter of its GDP: The aluminum smelter, its first, will also support downstream aluminum manufacturing.

Perhaps most important, the island would be tempering its dependence on Liquified Natural Gas exports – a rapidly expanding sector that already supplies North America with two-thirds of its LNG imports. At the same time, because it would be supplying us with the products we would have used the LNG imports to produce, Trinidad would be helping us temper our own growing dependence. Keeping an even keel in LNG is all the more important because, for rich and poor countries alike, the mushrooming LNG industry could blow up at any time.

LNG’s boosters quite rightly boast that LNG, one of the most dangerous products on earth, has had an excellent safety record for 60 years. Sixty years ago, in 1944, an LNG accident incinerated one square mile of downtown Cleveland and miraculously killed only 128 people. After that accident, public horror shut down the industry for 20 years, much as the explosion of the Hindenburg shut down air travel by hydrogen balloon. A lesser LNG explosion earlier this month at a Halliburton Company facility in Algeria, thought to be caused by LNG escaping from a pipe break, led to 27 deaths and US$1-billion in damage.

These are as nothing compared to the potential for catastrophe that comes of cooling some 20 billion gallons of natural gas to minus 260 degrees Fahrenheit, then compressing it 600-fold to allow 33 million U.S. gallons to be squeezed into a single tanker. One nightmare scenario involves LNG coming into contact with water, causing it to boil rapidly and release of a cloud of liquid and gaseous natural gas. If the cloud ignites before it has a chance to spread, the worst-case damage would be limited to an immense explosion, releasing the energy of 50 Hiroshima bombs. If the ignition occurs after the cloud has had a chance to spread downwind, to populated areas within 16 kilometres of an LNG tanker, the human toll from the blanket of fire that could befall a city could run to the tens of thousands. For this reason, in the hours after the Sept. 11 attacks, Richard Clarke, then America’s top counterterrorism official, told the U.S. Coast Guard to close Boston Harbor, fearing Al Qaeda might attack an LNG tanker as it glided past downtown buildings. “Had one of the giant tankers blown up . . . it would have wiped out downtown Boston,” Clarke said in his book Against All Enemies.

Should a serious LNG explosion occur by accident or by design, the LNG industry might well be shut down, devastating the economy of LNG-dependent exporters such as Trinidad. The devastation that developed nations such as Canada and the U.S. face should be no less sobering. In Canada, LNG tankers are slated to sail down the St. Lawrence to Levis, opposite Quebec City, if energy companies such as Enbridge have their way; LNG facilities are also proposed for Saint John, New Brunswick, and Cape Breton in Nova Scotia. Along with the risk we are asked to bear comes interferences in the marketplace: To make the LNG industry profitable, companies like Enbridge seek new regulatory protections from competition as well as depending on regulators to continue to channel Canadian energy supplies for the benefit of the few in the resource economy, and for the disbenefit of the many in the greater economy.

Posted in Energy | Leave a comment