Why we should conserve

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
August 28, 2003

Some Ontarians don’t understand why they should conserve electricity, as Ontario Premier Ernie Eves implores them to do. For these dunderheads, let me connect the dots. 1. Eves’s price freeze caused consumption to rise.


Credit: Andrew Barr, National Post

Last fall, following a period of high prices, Eves froze the rates that consumers paid for their power at 4.3¢ per kilowatt-hour, about half the rate for power that they had then been paying. Eves even maintained the price freeze during the recent blackout, when his government was buying electricity wholesale at prices well above the 4.3¢ at which it resold electricity. Because he artificially cheapened the cost of power, consumers naturally used too much of it.

Eves needed the price freeze as a short-term measure, to get him re-elected in what seemed an imminent election call. Unfortunately for him and his re-election team, the polls swung against Eves, forcing him to postpone the election. Unfortunately for Ontarians, the freeze also stayed in place.

To end the current power shortages, Eves needs only to let power prices rise and fall with demand. But ending the freeze would cause Eves to lose face and harm his re-election prospects. Since this is a non-starter, Ontarians only practical recourse – and one they should definitely take up if they want the lights to stay on – is voluntary conservation.

2. Without electricity shortages, power rates wouldn’t have soared, leading to the price freeze.

If Ontario had had plentiful supplies of power to draw on last fall, prices wouldn’t have soared. But Eves found himself with scant power supplies to call on because his nuclear plants weren’t working as planned – they rarely have. Eves was able to import some cheaper power from the United States – after deregulation south of the border, supplies there soared while prices plummeted – but not enough to make a big difference in Ontario. He and his predecessor, Mike Harris, had dithered in beefing up the needed interconnection with the U.S. grid, preventing plentiful supplies of U.S. power from coming to his rescue.

3. Had Eves not killed deregulation, generating plants would have been abundant, power would have been abundant, power prices would have behaved and Eves wouldn’t have needed his price freeze.

Mostly, Eves has had too few generating plants because the private sector abandoned Ontario. Just four years ago, while Eves was minister of finance, Ontario was teeming with independent private power entrepreneurs with plans for dozens of new, high-efficiency power plants. These plants – the same kind that led to a glut of power south of the border – can be built in as little as 12 to 18 months. Their construction awaited only the long-promised deregulation of the power sector. Yet Harris repeatedly gutted deregulation and then Eves effectively killed it. The independent power producers closed their offices and left Ontario. And Ontario was left without the entrepreneurs capable of quickly bringing reliable power to market.

4. Nuclear power, coupled with the expense of the rate freeze, will soon spur conservation.

Without private sector producers, Eves has fallen back on nuclear power, the technology of choice for many government-run monopolies. He is now spending billions in uneconomical repairs at the breakdown-prone Pickering A nuclear station. When or if that station will produce power again is unknown; that its power will be expensive, raising costs for all Ontarians, is not.

When Eves will rescind his rate freeze is also unknown, but it, too, is adding unnecessary costs to the power system. To date, those costs – about $800-million per year – are being hidden from view, in a new Crown corporation that Eves created to eliminate the legacy of the old Ontario Hydro’s public debt. When the nuclear and rate-freeze costs finally land on power customers, rates will soar and consumers will conserve.

In the end, Ontario didn’t privatize its power system and it didn’t deregulate prices. Instead, it created a chaotic make-up-the-rules-as-you-go government system far worse than any that Ontario had ever before seen.

All this Mr. Eves did in aid of remaining Premier. How well he succeeds in his re-election strategy will now depend on how well Ontarians connect the dots.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute, a division of Energy Probe Research Foundation. http://www.Urban-Renaissance.com, E-mail: LawrenceSolomon@nextcity.com.

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Automobile insurance reforms focus on cost reductions and fairness to consumers

Government of Newfoundland and Labrador: Insurance and Pensions Division

August 26/2003

Automobile insurance reforms focus on cost reductions and fairness to consumers.

BACKGROUNDER
AUTOMOBILE INSURANCE REFORM
PUTTING CONSUMERS FIRST

In Newfoundland and Labrador, all drivers are required by law to carry public liability insurance for protection in the case of an automobile accident.

Government has researched and studied rising insurance rates for many years. A Select Committee of the House of Assembly reported on this industry in March 1998. Since that time, extensive consultations and analysis have taken place.

In December 2002, government introduced a bill which addressed the fair treatment of consumers. The time has come to reduce insurance rates that have escalated to the point where some people cannot afford to drive. Our goal is to provide an accessible and affordable insurance system that is fair to all consumers. This bill has now been strengthened to legislate a reduction in the cost of public liability insurance.

Every driver has the same basic insurance policy because it is mandatory. Many drivers carry extra liability, accident benefits, collision and comprehensive coverage and choose their deductibles. We will take coverage for pain and suffering that is not permanent and serious out of mandatory insurance and add it as a new optional coverage. By law, consumers will retain the right to carry this coverage at current prices for the next 12 months.

Newfoundland and Labrador has put consumers first. Our reform package is one of the most comprehensive in the history of Canada

What Reform Will Mean for Consumers

Affordability

– 30 per cent savings on mandatory public liability for all drivers.

– 60 per cent approximate savings for many young drivers, seniors and others.

Accessibility

– Companies cannot refuse to insure you for reasons such as not-at-fault claims, lapse in coverage, NSF cheques or other factors not related to driving record.

Fairness

– Companies cannot use age, gender, marital status or any factor not related to driving record to determine the cost of your insurance.

Choice

– You will automatically receive mandatory coverage at 30 per cent less, or choose to keep your present coverage (which includes pain and suffering) at your current price.

Basic Public Liability Coverage

Examples

Before 

Four drivers purchase basic mandatory liability insurance for the same type of vehicle. Although these drivers have been driving for five years without an accident, they pay different rates.

New System 

These four drivers would now pay the same rate because the new reform package will treat all drivers fairly.

Public Liability Insurance

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Twelve Month Freeze on Insurance Rates

Government will freeze automobile insurance rates for a period of one year. Beyond the 12 month period, insurance companies must prove their case before the PUB in order for rates to go up.

Other Reforms

Ability to Pay Insurance Monthly 

Allows you to budget your money over time; protects you from loss of money if your insurance company goes bankrupt.

Exclude People from Your Insurance Policy

Allows owner to exclude individuals from using their vehicle, thereby reducing the cost of your insurance.

Requirements to Provide Information to Consumers

Ensures insurance companies and brokers make information available so you are well informed.

Flexible Methods of Compensation for Injury 

Allows you to request that your settlement be paid over a period of time versus one up-front lump sum.

Improved Claims Practices 

Ensures your claims are settled quickly and fairly.

Removal of Minimum Insurance Rates Set by PUB

Enhances competition in the insurance industry.

Protection from Losing Money Paid for Insurance

Ensures consumers will not lose money if their insurance company goes bankrupt.

Increased Penalties for Uninsured Drivers 

Intended to reduce the number of uninsured drivers on our roads.

Contact Information

For more information on this program, please contact:
Insurance and Pensions Division
Department of Government Services and Lands

P. O. Box 8700
St. John’s, NL A1B 4J6
Telephone: (709) 729-4834
Facsimile: (709) 729-3205

or visit our website at www.gov.nl.ca/gsl

Ability to Pay Insurance Monthly

– You will automatically receive mandatory coverage at 30 per cent less, or choose to keep your present coverage (which includes pain and suffering) at your current price.

– Companies cannot use age, gender, marital status or any factor not related to driving record to determine the cost of your insurance.

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Power to consumers, not monopolies

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
August 21, 2003

Fifty million North Americans suffered inconvenience and expense in the Great Blackout of 2003. Not one will receive any compensation.

Millions of companies also suffered inconvenience and expense, and lost business that they will never make up. Amid the ruins, however, lie a lucky handful of companies who will have their losses covered. The lucky are among the electricity monopolies that brought us the Great Blackout of 2003.

Under the system of regulation that dominates North America’s electricity monopolies, customers and taxpayers are almost always at risk, and power companies are almost always saved harmless. The imbalance is even more extreme in central Canada, where deregulation was stopped, where no privatizations have occurred, and where the old monopolies remain largely intact and as unaccountable as ever. To add insult to the injury that Ontarians have just suffered, rates will soon go up, or taxes will increase, to compensate the power companies for their lost business, and the ordeal that they’ve gone through.

In a normal industry, subject to the discipline of a competitive market, heads would roll after a fiasco of such epic proportions. Don’t expect anyone to lose his job at Hydro One – a company that shares responsibility for maintaining reliability on Ontario’s grid. It treats the grid’s failure as someone else’s problem, and happily stands by as politicians on both sides of the border discuss the intricacies of how best to run the electricity business. It also gets grim satisfaction as Ontario Premier Ernie Eves places most blame on distant jurisdictions. (The only ones in Ontario subject to an Eves tongue-lashing are members of the general public. If more blackouts come, he has told Ontarians, it will be because Ontarians aren’t conserving enough.)

A regulatory system that gives a pass to those who cause the damage, and a finger to those who suffer, is worse than no regulatory system at all.

A business whose performance depends on customers conserving – i.e., avoiding – its product is an aberration. Yet in the upside-down world of electricity monopolies, these are accepted as normal, as are the inevitable consequences – frequent minor power failures and infrequent massive ones.

Power customers need strong and independent regulation, a practical impossibility in Ontario where the government effectively owns both the industry and the regulator. Government regulators can be effective – in Ontario, regulators such as the Ontario Energy Board have had a history of being superbly effective – but only when they haven’t been asked to regulate their own masters. I know of no government regulator anywhere in the world that has ever been an effective regulator of a government-owned industry.

To see what independent electricity regulators can do, we need look at the United Kingdom, the only country to privatize and break up a major power monopoly into its many component businesses and then regulate those components – such as the distribution of electricity – that did not lend themselves to competition.

In the U.K., customers are no longer powerless. If the distribution company doesn’t perform, the customer’s inconvenience is the utility shareholder’s pain. You are a residential customer in London with a problem, and you ask the company to make a service call. It doesn’t come at the agreed upon time. You receive £20 in compensation. Or you are a small business and request a quote for upgraded service. The quote arrives late. You receive £40. Or you and your business suffer an extended power interruption, of the duration Ontario and the United States just experienced. You receive £75 and your business £125, or roughly $440 to ease your discomfort.

Except that the company almost never needs to make payments – and has never needed to compensate large numbers of people – because it has invested what was necessary to deliver the service it guarantees its customers. The London utility meets 99.9% of its targets for unexpected interruptions and it meets virtually 100% of its targets in replying to customers or correcting routine service problems. The standards of service that it must meet, meanwhile, get steadily ratcheted tighter with each passing year.

Since the U.K. power system was privatized and regulated, the time that customers have been without power has dropped by almost two-thirds, thanks to more than £30-billion invested in the U.K. grid. Neither are the British exhorted to conserve to forestall a grid collapse: The U.K. is awash in electricity following an unprecedented building boom in clean power plants. Neither did customers’ or taxpayers’ pocketbooks suffer as the privatized power companies upgraded their capabilities: Rates have dropped markedly, for residential and business customers alike.

Fifty-million-odd people in the U.K. now enjoy power from the world’s most modern, most reliable, most efficient, least monopolized and least politicized electricity sector in the world. Fifty-million-odd North Americans, meanwhile, are now recovering from everything that the U.K. system is not.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute, a division of Energy Probe Research Foundation. LawrenceSolomon@nextcity.com.

Related articles:
Holding power companies to account and compensating consumers

Readers respond

Re: Power To Consumers, Not Monopolies, Lawrence Solomon, Aug. 21.
Thank goodness for Mr. Solomon’s forthright and accurate description of the pitiful behaviour of Ontario’s power generating system, and the politicians who oversee it. One does not need to be an expert to understand that Ontario Hydro’s main objective became doing what is in the best interest of its unionized employees and the state’s bureaucratic elite a long time ago.

Ontario’s management of its nuclear generating facilities has been nothing short of criminal, given the phenomenal amounts of taxpayers’ money that has been poured into these old plants.

But if you listen to people like Ernie Eves and Mel Lastman, it is we the consumers who are the problem. We “waste” power, and if we don’t stop our selfish ways, we are going to cause rolling blackouts. This absolute nonsense has been echoed by countless environmentalist extremists who get daily airtime on the CBC and other outlets.

I’ve even heard people on some of the major radio stations say that we should stop using household appliances altogether, and turn back the clock 50 years or so. This is nothing short of deliberate deception, an attempt to conceal the colossal failures found in the Hydro state monopoly. This power shortage is 100% their fault, pure and simple.

Howard Hampton, who leads Ontario’s NDP, made the ridiculous statement that this nightmare proves that Hydro is “too important” to be put in the hands of the private sector that he hates so much. Let’s hope he does not feel that way about our food supply.

Frank Gray, Unionville, Ont.

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Holding power companies to account and compensating consumers

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
August 16, 2003

The food in your freezer has spoiled. The clocks in your home need to be reset. Your schedule has been thrown out the window.

Shouldn’t someone – apart from you – have to pay for the disruption that power shortages cause in your life? Wouldn’t power companies smarten up if they were actually held to account for the disruptions they foist on customers and if they didn’t operate in a 100%-monopoly system, in which their customers aren’t free to take their business elsewhere if they choose?

In the United Kingdom, power companies are held to account in just these ways. Customers are free to choose among many suppliers. They are compensated for their inconvenience. And a revolution in reliability has occurred.

When the United Kingdom privatized its power system in 1990, it injected accountability into what had been a decrepit state-owned monopoly system. The number of power cuts per 100 customers has declined precipitously, by a whopping 31%. The average duration of those power cuts has also fallen, by 64%. Customers have not only been spared from cost and inconvenience from disruptions that did not occur, they have received millions of pounds in compensation for the fewer disruptions that did.

Ontario’s government-owned monopoly system of today resembles the cumbersome U.K. utility that existed prior to privatization. The Ontario monopoly mostly produces unreliable electricity from outdated and failing coal and nuclear plants. And it has starved the power grid network of needed investments in order to prop up its money-losing nuclear plants, making the delivery of power unreliable as well.

When the weather behaves, and its luck holds out, power gets to customers. In the past few years, the system has become so unstable due to lack of investment in both generating stations and in the grid, that Ontario’s power authorities have resorted to pleading with customers to cut back or face brownouts and blackouts. This week, the lack of investment caught up with Ontario and cost Ontarians big-time.

Once, the U.K., too, suffered from lack of investment. Then, after privatization, when the one big cumbersome monopoly was broken up into about 20 nimble companies, competition soon transformed the industry. The polluting coal and nuclear plants were rapidly replaced by a new generation of high-efficiency natural gas-fired systems. And more than £30-billion was invested in the transmission systems to make sure the clean power could get to customers. Despite the mammoth private-sector investments, costs plummeted, benefitting residential and industrial customers alike. It was the most rapid transformation of a power system in the history of the world and it occurred almost invisibly, without any California-style power fiascos. Because it was also the first major privatization, it occurred without benefit of any precedents to guide the way.

In reforming its power system, the U.K. recognized that the electricity system is a hybrid: The generating plants are naturally competitive and can operate on a free-market basis with relatively little regulation; the transmission lines, in contrast, are naturally monopolistic and require a good deal of regulation to keep them honest. Intelligent regulation – much of it oriented to improving customer service – became a hallmark of the U.K. reforms.

Under the U.K. system, electricity suppliers must guarantee their customers standards in 11 different areas – everything from responding to customer telephone calls on a timely basis to keeping appointments to restoring power after disruptions. In their first year under the regulator’s gun, power companies made 13,000 payments to consumers in compensation for poor service. That number dropped to a mere 2,251 within five years. The customers don’t get rich from the compensation – some infractions fetch only a few pounds and a seriously affected customer can usually claim only £50 from a major interruption (18 hours without power). But the compensation is enough to keep companies on their toes and striving to develop ever-more reliable systems.

The U.K. regulatory system continually tightens its expectations of companies. It sets targets for different companies to meet and, as companies get better, the regulator sets the standards tighter. But the system also adjusts with feedback from customers as to their preferences. In the past, a standard for interruption of service has been one minute without power, a hardship that most residential customers found trivial. Even a three-minute interruption to a residential customer, the regulator discovered, costs the typical domestic customer only four pence. A three-hour interruption, in contrast, costs the typical customer £4 – with interruptions of this scale, meal arrangements may need to be changed. Customers also reported they were particularly perturbed by repeated interruptions, even if each is relatively short, leading the U.K. regulators to develop compensation schemes of £50 for customers who experience more than three interruptions of three minutes or more in a year.

Is a three-minute interruption an appropriate standard? Should companies be allowed to keep customers dangling on the telephone line for more than 15 seconds? These are the controversies that now beset the United Kingdom’s privatized power system.

Were we only so lucky.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute, a division of Energy Probe Research Foundation.; LawrenceSolomon@nextcity.com

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The boors nearby

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
August 14, 2003

Homeowners worry about their homes’ property value, and how their neighbours affect it. The boors nearby (the word “neighbour” was formed by combining “nigh” and “boor”) do material harm: By failing to mow their lawns or paint their peeling shutters, they make the neighbourhood unsightly, lowering property values for all.

But the yuppies and social climbers nearby can be even worse. By turning tidy lawns into intensively landscaped gardens or super-sizing cottages into monster homes, they inflate property values, leading the local assessor to increase the value of all nearby properties. Taxes rise for those who did nothing to encourage it and who wanted nothing more than their world to stand still.

Homeowners also worry about how neighbouring businesses affect their property values. Civic-minded neighbours cheer on local merchants serving the community with bakeries, hardware stores and green-groceries that give the neighbourhood its distinctive qualities; they sneer at the Wal-Marts that undermine local businesses by luring their customers away. Meanwhile, the same homeowners lobby their politicians to prevent the shoppers patronizing the local establishments from parking along local side streets, and they’ll fight to the death to prevent any development that will increase the number of residents – additional customers, to the merchants – in the neighbourhood. They’ll also fight a merchant who wants an addition to his store, or a restaurant that applies for permission to operate a sidewalk café. When beleaguered merchants, unable to make a living, relocate or close up shop, the homeowners will decry the abstract forces that have harmed their neighbourhood – the Wal-Marts, the politicians, the planners, the greed of neighbours who prefer a better price at a big box store to the cheerful, personal service at the neighbourhood establishment. The homeowners’ own role – often the decisive role in harming the neighbourhood – never so much as enters their consciousness.

In large part, homeowners oppose new developments due to the pressure they put on neighbourhood parking – access to parking directly influences a property’s value as well as a homeowner’s comfort. Yet homeowners balk at paying market rates for street parking, let alone for their front yard parking pads on city property – they even resent the token payments cities charge residents for neighbourhood parking permits. A public resource should not be rationed by price, homeowners say, simultaneously acting to bar the general public from having access to this public resource. Because street parking is underpriced, it’s overused. If street parking were priced fairly, it would not be scarce – there would be enough to go around for residents, their guests, their tradesmen, and shoppers who patronize neighbourhood shops.

Instead of lobbying government to use existing parking spots more intelligently, homeowners have done the opposite – they have lobbied governments to add to the parking supply. As a result, builders of residential towers and office complexes alike have been forced to install far more parking spots than their residents would ever need. To defray the cost, the building operators then made the glut of parking space commercially available to the general public, depressing the value of parking lots and thus the cost of parking, and artificially encouraging the use of automobiles by those shopping or working in the vicinity.

The fervour of homeowners in insisting that parking always be available extends to their own neighbours’ use of their own property. Typically, new houses must provide their own parking, even if located near a subway station. Woe to the homeowner who plans to tear down an existing garage and replace it with a garden or something else unfriendly to cars.

All the while that neighbourhood residents fight for more parking, they fight against more cars in their neighbourhood – cars are a health and safety hazard, the smelly fumes are obnoxious, and the neighbourhood, they claim, already suffers from too much asphalt and too little greenery. To make life unpleasant for intruders, residents agitate their local government to put in speed bumps, to narrow roads at intersections, to add four-way stop signs and other obstructions. Visitors to our home in downtown Toronto often take two or three runs at turning on to our street – at certain hours the traffic signs seem to bar entry from all directions – before making an illegal turn in exasperation. For a similar reason, visitors to my organization’s office building, in another downtown neighbourhood, often need five to 10 minutes to travel the last block. For such reasons, half the cars apparently cruising neighbourhood roads are in reality aimlessly circling their destination, needlessly slowing down and speeding up at speed bumps, and needlessly spewing gasoline fumes into the neighbourhood. Regulations designed to limit fumes instead cause excess pollution.

Perhaps we shouldn’t blame neighbours entirely. For one thing, governments that try to charge a fair price for parking are too quick to back off if opposed. For another, governments set neighbour against neighbour through property tax mechanisms such as current value assessment, which makes the local taxes payable dependent upon a house’s market value. This system of taxation necessarily punishes those who landscape their homes, and keep them in good repair, as if being house-proud was to be discouraged. At the same time, the tax system rewards slovenly habits, urban decay and neighbourhood apathy by lowering taxes of ill-kept districts.

A local tax system based on user pay, rather than market value, would allow people to upgrade their homes without affecting the taxes of their neighbours, and it would solve all parking problems. Frictions that undermine relations among neighbours would ease. But user pay systems would also diminish subsidies from one homeowner to another, leading to upset among neighbours who relish benefits at their neighbours’ expense.

The original meaning of neighbour – the boor nearby – was not derogatory. Boor was then a nice word – a dweller, often a simple, good-hearted fellow. Only with time did “the boor” come to have an unpleasant connotation. “The neighbour,” if not careful, may meet the same fate.

Related articles:
Plumb crazy
Rent control’s wreckage
Homeless by decree
Homeless in paradise
Parasites in the walls
Widening the gap

Lawrence Solomon, a former vice-chair of the City of Toronto’s planning board, is executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute. www.Urban.probeinternational.org, E-mail: LawrenceSolomon@nextcity.com.

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