To Tell the Truth on Farm Subsidies

Al Mussell and Brent Ross
The George Morris Centre
April 16, 2001

 There has been a lot of public discussion lately about farm incomes in Canada and the role of agricultural subsidies. Lawrence Solomon of the Urban Enterprise Institute has been at the forefront of these discussions1. His argument is that as a result of exorbitant subsidies, the government is sponsoring the industrialization of agriculture, which threatens the family farm at untold environmental costs. This is a surprising line of reasoning, given that the more common argument is that subsidies misallocate resources in such a way that smaller, less efficient farms can persist when they otherwise couldn’t, and that subsidies cause farmers to more intensely farm an acre of land. In fact, it is primarily the small farm advocates that argue for more subsidies.

In any case, the significant claim made by Mr. Solomon is that government subsidies exceed the value contributed by agriculture to the Canadian economy. This claim is patently false, and only serves to confuse the public’s understanding of the current income situation of Canadian grain and oilseed farmers. This misconception must be corrected. When Solomon first made these ridiculous claims last year, we thought the best response was to ignore them hoping most people would ignore them, as they deserve. But since the National Post has seen fit to publish them again, they need to be corrected.

Click here to view entire response in PDF form

Posted in Agriculture (Rural) | Leave a comment

Pay-per-minute auto insurance

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
April 10, 2001

Pay-per-minute automobile insurance — a new approach that a major U.S. insurance company has tested in the Texas market — is a hit with consumers. On average, the hundreds of Houston-area drivers who signed up are saving 25%, and some — those who don’t drive much, or who are insuring a lightly driven second or third car — are saving up to 50% over what they had been paying for traditional automobile insurance.

But the benefits of this new, high-tech insurance system — which uses satellite technology to track the time a car travels, plus the accident rating of the roads at the time it travels — aren’t limited to the extra dollars in its customers’ pockets.

Autograph, as the system is called, is a far-reaching technology that could dramatically boost public transit use, discourage urban sprawl, profoundly influence where people live, and begin to tame the worst excesses of the private automobile.

None of this will happen overnight. Autograph’s owner, Progressive Casualty Insurance Company, America’s fourth largest auto insurer, first needs to obtain regulatory approvals, a lengthy process that typically requires clearing all new programs and all rates charged with state authorities. It will also need to arrange for General Motors, Ford and other car manufacturers to offer Autograph technology in new vehicles as an option — such negotiations are now underway — to allow the technology to be pre-installed. If each Autograph policyholder requires a cumbersome, after-the-fact installation, as was done for the Texas pilot program, the impressive savings won’t materialize.

Once these hurdles are overcome, look for sweeping changes in transportation patterns, as the enormous inefficiencies in traditional automobile insurance lead to its overhaul. In traditional insurance, customers who drive little, and along safe routes, are inadvertently overcharged while those who drive a great deal, or in riskier circumstances, pay less than they cost the insurance company. In effect, the low-risk drivers subsidize those who cost the insurer a great deal. Autograph ends much of this subsidy by more accurately assessing its customers’ driving habits, and then passing the savings on to its low-cost customers. With traditional insurance, “the average premium in Texas is US$731 for six months,” explains Autograph spokesperson Leslie Kolleda. For a typical customer saving the Texas average of 25%, the annual saving comes to US$366. The per-trip saving can also be impressive, as the utility-style bills that customers receive monthly attest — the insurance for a 30-minute afternoon trip works out to about US$1.20 in an urban area, more than the US$1 fare that Houston’s bus service charges. That charge is avoidable, Ms. Kolleda notes cheerily. “The less you drive, the less you pay.”

And the more you have an incentive to find ways to save further. In cities with convenient public transit, many automobile owners weigh the cost of gasoline and parking for a particular trip against the bus fare. The cost of insurance quite properly never enters their calculations. Once insurance becomes an avoidable cost, with consumers receiving monthly bills itemizing their driving times, the calculations change dramatically. While small savings may not loom large to the affluent, many people of modest means — the main users of public transit — will often choose to leave their cars at home and pocket the cash.

Once pay-per-minute insurance becomes widely available, low-usage drivers will switch to it in droves, leaving high-usage drivers without anyone to subsidize their insurance costs. Their rates will then climb steeply, giving long-distance commuters an incentive to switch to rail or other forms of transit, or to move closer to their place of work.

More significantly, with large numbers of low-usage drivers happily hooked up to satellite systems, and understanding that they need no longer subsidize heavy users, drivers will be primed to eliminate a much greater inequity — subsidized roads. Under the government’s current road-financing system, low-mileage drivers and non-drivers subsidize high-mileage drivers through property taxes and other indirect or hidden levies. By tolling vehicles for the actual costs associated with roads, commuters (who cause expensive new roads to be built) and heavy commercial vehicles (which cause most of the harm to pavement) would finally pay their fair share, discouraging their overuse of roads and sparing the cost for everyone else.

Sprawl would then abate, and public transit use would accelerate, as economics cuts the automobile’s exaggerated market share down to size. Drivers do respond to price signals. With gasoline prices on the rise, the increase in the number of miles logged by U.S. vehicles has been slowing, and last year, for the first time since the disruptions caused by the OPEC oil crises decades ago, the total number of miles logged declined — and this despite a healthy economy and increased population growth. Public transit use, meanwhile, showed a hefty increase.

Trends like that augur well for the Autograph system. “People who use a lot of public transit are good prospects for our insurance,” Ms. Kolleda confirms.

Posted in Automobile | Leave a comment

2) Big farms harvest subsidies

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
April 6, 2001

Here is the reality of modern agriculture. For every $1 of profit a Canadian farmer makes, taxpayers provide $3.55 in subsidies. In the case of Ontario farmers, taxpayers kick in $6.20 in subsidies. That “very nice living for the farmer” that the George Morris Centre touts for the large-scale farmer is not an honest living. The only reliable economy of size in modern agriculture comes from harvesting subsidies.

Big-is-beautiful advocates like those at the Morris Centre — disdaining the small farmer and dreaming of industrialized agriculture powered by mighty machines — have successfully convinced governments to subsidize large-scale practices. Their experiments at industrial and social engineering — despite decades of attempts — have all failed to be economic. The reason? Large-scale monoculture farming is inherently risky.

Without insurance and other government supports, these growers would be betting the farm on their one crop. In fact, because too much rain, pests and many other hard-to-measure hazards can wipe out an entire harvest, no private insurer has ever been able to provide unsubsidized comprehensive crop insurance. Traditionally, farmers self-insured by planting many crops and otherwise diversifying their operations, imposing natural limits on crop size.

Contrary to the Morris Centre’s assertions, Ontario’s processing tomato-farming sector, which produces tomatoes for ketchup bottles and canning operations, is overwhelmingly driven by the need to manage risk. Ontario tomato farms face much higher risks than farms in California, where rain does not slow down harvesting machines during the time-sensitive harvest, or wipe out a farmer’s harvest, as happened in part of Ontario last summer. The risk of tomato farming in Ontario is so great that the processors — who can’t afford to have their plants idle because a farmer misses a shipment — manage the risk by diversifying the locations of the farms that supply them, and by requiring the farms to maintain surplus capacity in their harvesters. For these reasons, Ontario’s tomato farms operate their equipment just three to four hours a day during the seven-week harvesting season, while California’s run flat out, 20 to 22 hours a day. Because new California-style harvesters can’t be paid for when run just four hours a day, Ontario farmers purchase smaller harvesters or used ones — the ones California tomato growers discard.

If tomato farming in Ontario truly involved little risk, Ontario would be producing many more tomatoes. As it is, Ontario imports two to three times as much tomato as it produces, much of it from California. Canada, in fact, is California’s number one tomato marketing area.

Relatively small-acreage farms can be extremely profitable by serving lucrative niche markets. The many small farms of the greater Toronto area that supply restaurants with specialty vegetables, health food stores with organic herbs, ethnic bakeries with exotic grains, and office buildings with luxuriant plants rival the region’s traditional farms, and together they now produce 67% more farm output than Prince Edward Island and 80% more than New Brunswick. Unlike mechanized industrial farms that primarily produce low-value commodities for export markets, and that must compete against countries with longer growing seasons or cheaper labour, the smaller farms serving local niche markets face little competition from distant producers, making them viable without subsidies. Rather than sustain agriculture, the subsidies only distort the agricultural sector away from innovation and entrepreneurship.

There is no glory in running large machines, new or used, and there is no shame in managing labour-intensive operations, as do farmers who serve the demand for fresh fruits and vegetables, and for many specialty markets. But there is value in being innovative and entrepreneurial, as small-acreage farms tend to be, and there is status in being off the dole.

Posted in Agriculture (Rural), Agriculture (Urban) | Leave a comment

1) The small-scale family farm is an urban myth

Larry Martin, Holly Mayer, and Charles Mayer
National Post
April 6, 2001

Lawrence Solomon should buy 25 acres and become a vegetable tycoon. When he does, he may learn a few things.

Small farms that grow a wide range of vegetables require a large amount of labour. This makes them high-cost producers. In general, the market won’t pay enough for the vegetables to provide an adequate living for producing them on small farms, unless Canadians would like to give up the option of buying fruits and vegetables from places that can produce them year-round. What right does Mr. Solomon have to condemn people to doing work that ensures they will be poor?

On the other hand, 200 acres of processing tomatoes — if one can get the contract — produced with modern technology, makes a very nice living for the farmer and a relatively small amount of hired labour. (This and the last point together are what is known as “economies of size.”)

There is no such thing as monoculture, because modern farming requires crop rotations that maintain productive soil and prevent disease. To brand the production of tomatoes for processing, which takes place in one of the most diverse agricultural areas in the world, as monoculture is just ignorant. All tomato growers produce a wide range of other products. (Interestingly, many farmers in Western Canada would prefer not to produce wheat and barley because they have to market them through the Canadian Wheat Board. But they can’t avoid it because crop rotations don’t give them a choice. What monoculture?)

Mr. Solomon might observe from his tomato-growing competitors that they do buy crop insurance in Ontario — even though there is less production risk than in California, the major processing tomato-growing area of the world. While crop insurance is subsidized, the farmer’s share for tomatoes is about 1% of gross revenue. Even if it wasn’t subsidized, it’s not likely to affect production decisions.

If farmers don’t use crop insurance, even though it’s subsidized, and they move to larger operations, it is evidence of exactly the opposite of what Mr Solomon claims. In an economy that offers people quite nice non-agricultural incomes, small-scale, labour-intensive commodity production is a romantic dream of people who are not involved in agriculture. Many farmers are sick and tired of the Lawrence Solomons of the world wanting them to be poor, while the dreamer sits in his urban office.

Those farmers who do purchase crop insurance are most certainly not “bet[ting] the farm on each and every harvest.” Farming may be a more uncertain way to earn a living than many occupations, but the notion that subsidized crop insurance makes it essentially a form of high stakes gambling is ridiculous and insulting to the production expertise of Canada’s producers. Earning a “fist full of dollars” is contingent upon a lot more than the weather co-operating.

Lastly, there are very, very few corporate farms (in the sense that Mr. Solomon means) in Canada. The vast majority of farms are family owned and operated, even when they are organized as corporations — a structure that offers many sensible tax and estate planning advantages under Canadian law. Many are most certainly large-scale farms compared to farms of past generations, but this is because of the advantages of scale that make practical business sense, unless the farmers want to be poor peasants.

For this reason, Mr. Solomon’s concluding statement that large-scale farms would contract if subsidies were removed is patently wrong. Such a move would reinforce the need to lower cost through scale as an offset to the higher cost of risk.

Between Mr. Solomon’s assertion that we need more (poor) farmers one day (How Subsidies Ploughed the Family Farm Under, March 22), and University of Guelph professor George Brinkman’s equally absurd assertion that we have too many farmers for market conditions (The Case for Eliminating All Farm Subsidies, March 20), the Post’s Farm Week series certainly did oodles to help people understand the reality of modern agriculture.

Larry Martin is CEO and Holly Mayer is Research Associate at George Morris Centre in Guelph. Hon. Charles Mayer is Former Federal Minister of Agriculture.

Go to Lawrence Solomon’s National Post editorial

Posted in Agriculture (Urban) | Leave a comment

Killing the land with farm subsidies

Philip Lee
Ottawa Citizen
April 3, 2001

As spring snow fell outside her Saskatoon office this week, Nettie Wiebe — farmer, professor and longtime political activist — was musing about an agricultural apocalypse.

Ms. Wiebe grows grain and raises cattle on her family’s 2,000-acre spread in the town of Laura, 70 kilometres outside the city.

She is also a leader of Via Campesina, an international movement to promote small-scale farming.

She stands firmly on the political left, but her message cuts across ideological boundaries when she describes the paradox that bedevils the agriculture policies of most western industrialized countries, including Canada.

Farmers are both producers of food and stewards of the land, the front-line protectors of our ecology. But government policies and subsidy incentives that reward intensive production encourage farmers to use processes that destroy land, deplete water resources and ultimately threaten rural communities. Ironically, then, farm subsidies have been dismantling the very systems they were designed to preserve.

“If we’re thoughtless about this and continue to pursue the direction we seem to be embarked on here so vigorously, … we [will] have more and more environmental degradation,” Ms. Wiebe says. “I fear that no amount of blue-boxing in Toronto can possibly make up for the kind of water and soil and ecological damage that we’re doing with our production methods.”

The environmental hazards of intensive production will destroy not only the land and resources we need for agriculture, but our farm culture as well, she fears. “[We will] have fewer people who know how to live in the countryside and know how to grow food in environmentally friendly ways. We [will be] less fit to live in the places that demand a certain kind of interaction with our ecology.

“A lot of public dollars have flowed, often [passing] through the hands of farmers, directly to the agribusiness component, the marketing, transportation, the chemical industries. That’s where the public money has gone.”

The statistics paint a bleak picture: From 1990 to 1999, the federal and provincial governments contributed $3.55 in subsidies for every $1 earned by Canadian farmers, according to the Urban Renaissance Institute, a division of the Toronto-based environmental watchdog, Energy Probe.

Ms. Wiebe questions whether the present subsidy system is a useful, environmentally friendly way of channeling public dollars.

“I think it’s pernicious. It seeds a monster that is marauding through the countryside.”

In Ms. Wiebe’s view, government policies that pay the largest operators for what they exploit instead of what they conserve, devalue both farmers and their land.

“As long as we discount raw product, it’s a very short step to discounting the environment in which it’s produced and the people who produce it.”

Five years ago, the Earth Council, an international non-governmental organization chaired by Canadian environmentalist Maurice Strong, commissioned a study of the effect of farm subsidies on sustainable development.

Andre de Moor, a Dutch economist, concluded that the subsidy regime in western industrialized countries is costing billions without helping farmers or the environment.

“The gains in agricultural production over the past decades have been impressive,” Mr. de Moor wrote in his report, Subsidizing Unsustainable Development. “Even more impressive — and unacceptable — has been the cost: the degradation of soil, the deliberate impoverishment of some farmers and just as deliberate enrichment of others, the pesticide poisoning of water, air and soil. It is a price the Earth can not sustain. And subsidies are a big part of the problem.”

Throughout the ’80s and ’90s, subsidies increased per capita, per full-time farmer and per hectare.

Mr. de Moor calculated that in 1995, taxpayers and consumers in western industrialized countries plowed $335 billion U.S. into agriculture in the form of export subsidies, import taxes and intervention prices, subsidies for fertilizers and pesticides, inspections, research and training.

This amounts to almost $16,000 per full-time farmer or $290 for each hectare of agricultural land.

As subsidies encourage farmers to produce more and use more chemicals, the vital resources of soil and water are threatened, Mr. de Moor says.

Poor farming practices such as overgrazing, short fallow periods and the cultivation of marginal lands without protection against erosion are responsible for a quarter of the world’s degraded soil.

Overuse of land and the cultivation of marginal soil leads to the excessive use of fertilizers, pesticides and irrigation. Chemicals can pollute water and irresponsible irrigation practices can salinate soil, leaving it unfit for farming.

Mr. De Moor says subsidies should not be linked to agricultural production. Nor should governments be subsidizing practices such as the use of fertilizers, pesticides or wasteful and inefficient irrigation.

Robert Sopuck, director of policy for the Delta Waterfowl Foundation, a Canadian wetlands conservation group, and a researcher and writer for the conservative Frontier Centre for Public Policy in Winnipeg, has also concluded that farm subsidies have contributed to poor farming practices.

Mr. Sopuck, who lives on 480 acres of land in Lake Audy, Manitoba, says farm support programs that are based on the number of acres farmed encourage the cultivation of lands that never should have been broken. The working of marginal lands leads to erosion, which chokes rivers, lakes and streams, and washes polluted soil into the water supply.

“We get degraded water quality and at the same time we lose wildlife habitat and biodiversity,” Mr. Sopuck says.

Mr. de Moor says farmers do not need to lose from well-planned subsidy reform. As it is, subsidies have done a poor job of maintaining farm incomes.

He found that for every $5 of public support, only $1 ends up in farmers’ pockets. The big picture shows the mind-boggling scale of this imbalance: Of the $335 billion consumers and taxpayers in western industrialized countries spent on farming and agricultural products in 1995, only $66 billion went to farmers.

Nor do subsidies protect the family farm. Most subsidies are based on how much is grown and therefore reward rich farmers. In the United States, a third of government agriculture payments go to the wealthiest five per cent of farms, Mr. de Moor says.

Given the chance, farmers will care for their land. Despite the perverse incentives of farm subsidies, there are farmers who have been quietly going about the job of preserving their own land, driven by a desire to pass their farms on to their children.

Ten years ago, Peter Dowling kicked the fertilizer and pesticide habit on his family farm in Howe Lake, Ont.

He had been growing barley using a system of “intensive cereal management,” which involved spraying chemicals on young grain shoots to strengthen them, following up with rich doses of fertilizer. His yields were high, but so were his costs. He was tired of writing cheques to chemical suppliers, and he began to question the morality of the way he was farming.

“It was not a question of economics, but a question of philosophy, (making it) more sustainable,” says Mr. Dowling, the 52-year-old head of the National Farmers Union in Ontario. “Your farm is an ecosystem in itself and the less stuff you bring into that ecosystem, and the more self-sufficient you are, the more sustainable the farm is.”

Today, his diverse, 500-acre farm is certified organic. He specializes in growing spelt, an ancient grain used in organic flour, and has found low-input farming a more satisfying way of life that is also economically sustainable.

He says his decision to reduce his “input costs” (the price of fertilizer, pesticides, etc.) and replace them with his own labour as a farm manager makes great financial sense.

Net farm incomes have stagnated for 25 years, while gross farm incomes have been rising. In 1974 in Ontario, to earn one dollar of net farm income, a farmer had to make $3.59. In 1999, to earn a dollar an Ontario farmer had to make $17.47.

“This points out the extractive nature of the system we work in, where something like $70 billion went through our hands and paid for inputs and so on and left us with the same realized net farm income we’ve had for 25 years,” Mr. Dowling says.

“What would get people out of subsidies would be decent prices from the market,” he says. “Consumers are paying ever increasing prices for food. Farmers are getting about the same income for the food they produce. In between we have the packers, processors, restaurants and retailers that are getting obscene profits.

“On the other side, it’s the fertilizer companies, the fuel companies, pesticides companies that are extracting huge profits.

“The way to solve that is to somehow give farmers more market power and to distribute some of that wealth. There’s huge amounts of wealth in the system, it’s just not been adequately distributed.

“The land takes a beating when people are strapped and have to get what they can out of it.”

While Mr. Dowling has found that organic farming makes sense to him, he points out that some conventional high-input farmers also look after their land.

Jack Penner, a Conservative MLA from Emerson, Manitoba, farms 3,000 acres with his three sons and jealously protects his lands and waters. Instead of tilling his fields, he now leaves them covered with straw to prevent erosion. He recently paid $128,000 for an “air seeder,” which spikes seed into the ground through the straw. He has redesigned his irrigation system to guard against salination. He refers to his soil as his equity, his greatest asset.

“We are true environmentalists,” he says. “We didn’t like dust blowing in our eyes in the spring, so we changed the environment simply because we want to make sure the resource base is there for our kids.”

Mr. Sopuck agrees that conventional farming is not necessarily incompatible with conservation. In fact, he argues there is an environmental case to be made for farming with chemicals that allow larger yields on smaller pieces of prime land.

He points out that during the past 15 years, the United States retired millions of hectares of land through its Conservation Reserve Program. “They took out (a piece of land the size of) Alberta … in U.S. agriculture, and yield hardly dropped at all,” he says.

“This huge chunk of land was taken out, sown down to grass in the greatest wildlife program in U.S. history, with essentially no loss of yield.” Farmers took the money they were paid for retiring their land and farmed their best soil even more efficiently.

Mr. Sopuck says scientific and technological innovations are continuing to increase the yield from grain and oil seeds production. An oversupply of those crops is keeping prices down, so the industry will continue to focus on improving the yield.

Western Canada must diversify its rural economy, taking it in a direction that government subsidies and interventions have not encouraged. If the trend toward specializing in grain and oil seeds continues, he says, rural Manitoba will eventually be reduced to about a dozen farms, with as many towns to support them. He favours an expansion of the cattle industry, and large hog farms, to provide a market for western feed grains.

Mr. Sopuck doesn’t think farmers should have to go cold-turkey when it comes to reforming subsidies. However, he believes support must be directed away from production and linked to conservation on farms.

“The West was settled because of deliberate government programs, land settlement programs, immigration programs, (transportation) subsidies, water management, dam building,” he says. “There was an implicit covenant with the people who settled here: `You do your end of the bargain and produce crops and we’ll carry our end out.’ The cold-turkey approach would be an awfully cruel way to go at this point in time.”

He thinks governments should encourage farmers to work their best land, but also to set aside some land for conservation in order to promote biodiversity, improve water quality and even provide scenic landscapes. It makes sense for taxpayers to “support the conservation of public goods on private farms,” he says.

Posted in Agriculture (Rural) | Leave a comment