Discussion Group, The other gay lifestyle, enduring couples (part 1 of 2)

Dana Richards
The Next City
December 21, 1997

Discussion

A COUPLE OF YEARS AGO, TWO FRIENDS OF OURS ANNOUNCED THAT, after living together for some time, they’d decided to get married. The date was set for the first Saturday in July, which happened to be Canada Day, they registered their china pattern at Ashley’s, and they sent out tasteful formal invitations. These events, however, caused me and my spouse very mixed emotions. We loved our about-to-be-married friends, and we wished them a long and happy life together. For one of them, who’d been married before and suffered through a painful separation and divorce, and whose children were about to move with their mother to another city, this solid new relationship seemed a kind of miracle. But why did he and his betrothed have to be so public about their union? Why did two gay men living together in a committed relationship have to flaunt their love in this way?

Nonetheless, we accepted Rob and Dan’s invitation and began to debate an appropriate wedding present. We could hardly do otherwise. However unofficial our relationship, my lover and I had been together for 18 years and — at some moment we wouldn’t be able to name — became for all practical purposes a married couple. Rob and Dan’s decision to publicly mark their commitment could hardly go without our support.

There have, of course, always been homosexual people, and same-sex relationships are at least as old as recorded history. In Homer’s Iliad, the warrior Achilles and his lover and fellow soldier Patroclus romantically decide to be buried together. In the Bible, David and Jonathan form a celebrated male-male union. Perhaps the most famous same-sex couple of antiquity were the Emperor Hadrian and his young lover Antinoüs, whose profile the emperor placed on Roman coins and whose premature death left Hadrian heartbroken. Nor did such unions imply any lack of masculinity: Ancient Greece’s Sacred Band of Thebes, a company of 150 pairs of lovers who died fighting Philip of Macedon at the battle of Chaeronea in 338 BC, was renowned for its valor. In Plato’s Symposium, the permanent union of two men — an accepted relationship in fifth-century Athens — is characterized as the ideal relationship, superior to that possible between a man and a woman, a view not terribly surprising in a society that regarded women as male property. And during the first thousand years of Christianity, formal same-sex unions similar to marriages — as attested by surviving liturgies — seem to have been regularly celebrated. But for roughly the last thousand years, most Westerners have viewed homosexuality as a vice, characterizing erotic attachments between two men or two women as immoral and against nature. Until recently, antisodomy legislation was widespread and in some U.S. states remains on the books.

Only in the last 30 years in North America and Western Europe has the “love that dared not speak its name” become, in the eyes of many straight people, the “love that will not shut up,” with homosexuals increasingly emerging from their closets to demand an end to discrimination. Historians usually date the modern movement for homosexual rights from an event now known as Stonewall. In 1969, the patrons of The Stonewall, a gay bar in New York City’s Greenwich Village, fought back instead of passively submitting to arrest during a police raid. In the months and years that followed, as the gay subculture grew in size and self-confidence, and as gay pride gradually replaced gay paranoia, the closet became a less and less comfortable place — and a lot less crowded. And while homosexuality remains an issue today, there are many milieux — primarily in big cities such as Vancouver, San Francisco, Toronto, New York, London, Berlin, or Amsterdam — where gay men and lesbians can lead their lives and share their love quite openly.

Thanks to this societal shift — nothing short of a social revolution — more gays than ever before live together as couples. Inevitably, an increasing number want to formalize their commitment to each other in some way. Many turn to the traditional marriage ceremony. Most, however, unite without the sanction of church or state and formalize their relationship contracts privately.

DESPITE THE MORE TOLERANT SOCIAL CLIMATE IN RECENT YEARS, openly gay couples occupy only one small corner of the gay world. In their shadows stand legions of same-sex couples who still dare not live openly — or as openly as they would like. My partner Jeff and I form a case in point. Despite the length of our relationship, Jeff still hasn’t “come out” to his parents. Nor has he told his business associates or relatives, even those in his own age group. Only a handful of straight friends from his teenage years — all of them living in another city — know that he’s gay. In our home town of Toronto, the people we socialize with as a couple are almost without exception people he’s met, one way or another, through me.

Jeff spends much of his life in a very different world, a close-knit community of first- and second-generation immigrants from Southern Europe — which still regards homosexuality as anathema and where family and business relationships are inextricably enmeshed. Understandably, he fears that coming out in this other world would lose him respect and harm him financially. That most of his business associates, relatives, and certainly his parents — who have treated me like a member of her family for years — “know” on some level doesn’t change his reluctance to make his sexuality explicit. He believes — and I’m sure he’s right — that everyone in his parents’ world is more comfortable that Jeff keeps his homosexuality separate from them. If he doesn’t tell them, they don’t have to deal with it. Both he and they can pretend it doesn’t exist. (It is at his request that I am writing this article under a pseudonym.)

Jeff pays a heavy price, however, for keeping his secret, in the daily anguish of not being fully himself, even with many people he cares about and who care about him. It hurts the most during family social gatherings where all his contemporaries bring their husbands and wives, but which he attends alone. (At weddings and big affairs, he used to bring a female date as a cover, but that charade stopped some years ago.) Most hurtful of all, his own family can’t fully acknowledge and celebrate something he and I feel immensely thankful for: a good marriage.

I, on the other hand, like to think of myself as a completely out gay man — except when I have to protect Jeff’s secret. My parents have known for years and embraced Jeff as their son-in-law or daughter-in-law — take your pick. When my 16-year-old niece left home in full teenage rebellion and then was kicked out of the group home where she was living, it was to us, not to her father (divorced and remarried) that she came. “Could I come live with you?” she asked. She has only known me as part of a same-sex couple, and she seems to think that it’s definitely “phat” to have two gay uncles. So for the last two years, Jeff and I have been housing and parenting a teenager much as if she were our own daughter — to my sister’s great relief and to my niece’s apparent benefit.

But I’ve discovered, as has every other gay man who doesn’t wear a button saying, “I’m queer; I’m here; So get used to it!” that coming out is an ongoing, daily process. (Like most gay men, I can pass for straight when I want to.) Only the other day, I was at a downtown store picking up a fancy mixer given to me and Jeff as a gift — by our friends Rob and Dan. In debating whether to change the color (from practical white to one of those spiffy designer colors), the saleswoman assured me, “If your wife doesn’t like it, she can always exchange it.”

My heart lurched — not as violently as it would have years ago but a definite lurch nonetheless. It was the same kind of lurch I’d experienced in my 20s every time my parents or relatives asked me who I was dating or whether there was “anyone special.” Either I could say nothing to the saleswoman and let it pass as a meaningless social exchange, or I could correct her misassumption — “Actually, I don’t have a wife, but my male lover says I cook as well as his mom” — or I could opt for something in between. I chose compromise: “Actually, I do the cooking in our house. You know, roles are changing, and you can’t assume anything these days.” She smiled agreeably. If she actually looked at the other name on the box that was brought out of the storeroom — a name clearly belonging to another male — she presumably got the entire message.

This story may seem trivial, but to have said nothing would have been, to my mind, a small but significant act of self-denial. To say something, anything, in such a situation was to affirm to myself that I’m not ashamed — that there’s nothing to be ashamed of in being gay and living with another man. In a society that still views the homosexual as marginal, bizarre, sick, or depraved, such small, seemingly innocent daily revelations help dispel the persistent stereotype — reinforced by television and Hollywood movies — of gay men as effeminate, sexually promiscuous and fashion-obsessed creatures who crowd into homosexual neighborhoods in big cities, like to wear dresses and makeup, and call one another Mary. In short, as people not like normal straight folk. There’s a long-standing joke in the gay community that if all the gays stayed home from work one day, the stock exchange would grind to a halt, the buses wouldn’t run, and the lights would probably go out — and the House of Commons would definitely lack a quorum. The joke may overstate our numbers, but not our omnipresence. As Jeff and I can attest, gay life resists easy categorization.

Perhaps the most useful categories are within the gay world itself: the gay men who strongly identify themselves with the gay subculture and the gay men who don’t. (Like all such generalizations, these categories simplify a very complex reality.) The former spend virtually their entire adult lives within the urban gay ghetto or its satellites — the gay resorts of Key West or Provincetown, the rapidly proliferating gay travel tours and gay cruises, the gay social clubs and sports leagues. They read mostly gay novels and gay magazines; they do business mainly with enterprises listed in the local “Gayyellow Pages”; they socialize only with other gay men. Some — mostly those employed in service industries located in the ghetto — work in an almost exclusively gay environment.

But the vast majority of gay men — the guy or guys next door in downtown apartments, suburban tract houses, and rural retreats — reside in the other category. These gay men occasionally visit the ghetto to eat in a restaurant, to go dancing or for a social drink at a gay bar, or to watch (but never march in) the annual Gay Pride parade, but their lives are largely independent of it. The gay ghetto is a place they visit, a place where they feel safe, but not a place that defines them.

A gay man and his partner can now live quite openly outside the ghetto in a world where — apart from time spent with parents and siblings — much of their socializing takes place with other couples, gay and straight. In this largely middle-class world, the gay men hold down good jobs in large corporations or run successful businesses or teach high school or work as civil servants. They take summer vacations in Europe or winter trips to the Caribbean or the Rockies. Many juggle the responsibilities of career and child rearing. An increasing number help care for aging parents. By the time they reach their mid-40s, in all respects except their sexual orientation, they resemble two-income, middle-class, middle-aged heterosexual couples whose children have left home — or are about to. I know this is possible because it accurately describes the world I inhabit.

In the nearly 30 years of gay liberation since Stonewall, the rise of the enduring gay couple may be the most significant social change. (While much of what I have to say in this article probably applies to lesbians, female same-sex relationships are beyond my scope.) But just how widespread this important social phenomenon has become is impossible to say. The statistics available are sketchy at best since most gay people remain unwilling to admit their status on census forms and consumer surveys. (Like my lover, they fear for themselves or for someone close to them.) Yet the mostly circumstantial evidence does indicate a massive change from the world before Stonewall when almost all gay couples lived covertly and certainly without public celebration.

A major social shift is taking place, away from the single homosexual living alone and having multiple sexual partners, toward the gay couple living, like heterosexuals, more or less monogamously. IKEA, American Express, and other major corporations now advertise quite explicitly to gay and lesbian couples. The recent public debates over spousal benefits would never have occurred if a great number of same-sex couples weren’t demanding equal treatment.

Exactly what proportion of the gay community is made up of couples is anyone’s guess. Just for fun I tried calling the marketing departments at Labatt’s and Molson’s — two Canadian companies that have made a special effort to reach the gay consumer — to find out if they have even the faintest notion. They don’t. It is only safe to say that gay couples are still in the minority, probably less than 25 per cent of people who define themselves as gay. But extrapolating from present social trends — a rising divorce rate and a growing number of same-sex pairings — it is possible to foresee in the not-too-distant future a scenario that would give Jerry Falwell nightmares: a higher proportion of gay than straight people living as committed couples.

You need only examine the lesbian and gay section of many bookstores for evidence that long-lasting gay relationships have arrived. Here is a sampling: Permanent Partners: Building Gay Relationships That Last; The Male Couple’s Guide; Rainbow Family Values: Relationship Skills for Lesbian and Gay Couples; The Intimacy Dance: A Guide to Long-Term Success in Gay and Lesbian Relationships; Love Between Men: Enhancing Intimacy and Keeping Your Relationship Alive. And my favorite: How to Find True Love in a Man-Eat-Man World: The Intelligent Guide to Gay Dating, Romance, and Eternal Love.

This interest in permanence and fidelity seems all the more surprising when you consider the topic’s newness. In the years immediately following Stonewall, gay ideologues touted male promiscuity as the Holy Grail, with gay people ordained to lead the way to a brave new world of sexual liberation for us all, replacing the oppressive, patriarchal institution of marriage with something far better. One of this promised land’s most eloquent prophets was Edmund White, gay chronicler and co-author of The Joy of Gay Sex. In White’s just published novel, The Farewell Symphony, a kind of elegy for the lost Eden of gay sexual freedom before the plague of AIDS, the narrator nostalgically says, “I assumed there was going to be a future . . . that the couple would disappear and be replaced by new, polyvalent molecules of affection or Whitmanesque adhesiveness. . . . We were friends and lovers, more friends than lovers, and our long evenings of pasta, Puccini, and sex felt as mellow as vintage Bordeaux held up to the flame.”

Many gay men still yearn for a world of uninhibited casual sex, as White does, but I suspect they are no longer in the majority — if they ever were. During the 1970s, the early heyday of GayLib, couples were rarely talked about. Sure, they existed, but they weren’t something we (out gay men) found especially interesting. Still, their virtual absence from early gay publications and studies of gay people is quite striking. In Flaunting It! an anthology of the best writing published during the first decade of the Body Politic, Canada’s most influential gay publication during this period, there are only a few fleeting mentions of long-term relationships. In A Lasting Relationship by Jeremy Seabrook, a 1976 British study that interviewed 41 gay men and two lesbians, there are only five couples, and of these only one is portrayed as “happy,” with the clear implication that contentment and homosexuality are pretty much incompatible. In the Spada Report of 1979 by James Spada, which purported to be “the newest survey of gay male sexuality,” the section under “Relationships” doesn’t even have a category about couples — let alone about long-term commitment.

Even the hefty and scholarly Gay Report (1979) by Karla Jay and Allen Young, which analyzed more than 5,000 responses to a questionnaire about gay and lesbian lifestyles, pays only lip service to gay couples. (The bulk of its questionnaire was devoted to questions about sexual behavior.) But it does record a revealing set of statistics. Of the 4,400 men who replied, 46 per cent reported they currently had a boyfriend or lover, a category that covers a wide spectrum of possibilities. And of this sample, only seven per cent had been together for more than 10 years, with two years being the average. Yet almost 50 per cent of those surveyed, single or not, said they favored gay marriage, a topic the authors then quickly dismiss.

The absence of positive images of gay couples helped fuel a fear of coming out among young North American men. The myth of romantic love is as strong among gays as straights, and the ideal of the happy couple is just as powerful. So the apparent impossibility of realizing this ideal made the gay life look anything but gay. About 15 years ago, my friend George, who had just ended his unhappy marriage after admitting to himself that he was gay, said to me in complete sincerity, “I’m going to die old and alone.” He saw no chance of replacing his unhappy straight marriage with a contented gay one. (He has now been happily together with the same man for more than 10 years.)

The first popular study I have been able to find that focuses exclusively on gay couples wasn’t published until 1980 and makes fascinating reading, despite its limitations. The Mendola Report promises to introduce the reader to “lesbian and homosexual couples who are quietly living happy and full lives with the partners of their choice.” This it does, but its sample is small and unscientific: The questionnaire was handed out in gay bars and passed from friend to friend, which meant the study included only those who wanted to be included. The respondents are almost invariably white, well educated and middle class. But according to the book’s author, Mary Mendola, these couples reveal that “the essence of a committed relationship is the same whether the union is between two men, two women, or a man and a woman.” Hardly an earthshaking discovery, you might say, but in 1980 a startling one. Indeed, in her introduction, Mendola conveys an almost giddy sense of being an explorer in a strange and uncharted new land. She is Columbus, and gay and lesbian couples are the New World. The metaphor is mine, but I think it aptly captures the state of our knowledge about enduring relationships between people of the same sex less than 20 years ago.

That knowledge expanded somewhat with the publication of Man to Man in 1981, a serious study of gay male relationships based on in-depth interviews with 190 gay men. (The author, Dr. Charles Silverstein, a clinical psychologist, had at the time of the study been in a committed relationship with another man for many years.) Here we find many successful relationships of long duration, relationships that have weathered crises, and loves that have lasted long enough to experience the death of one partner — in those pre-AIDS days, something of a rarity. To read Silverstein’s introduction today is to realize just how ignored this topic was as recently as the early 1980s: “Although research has begun on the lives of gay men and women, there is almost nothing published on gay love relationships. . . . At first sight this absence of research may appear strange since gay couples are highly regarded in some segments of the gay community. But discrimination against gays, only recently challenged, adamantly maintained that longlasting, loving, compassionate, and passionate love affairs were impossible in the gay world. So effective was the force of this myth that almost every professional in the social sciences, as well as many gays, believed it completely. Given those circumstances, investigating love relationships was absurd. One might as well have investigated the etiology of misery.”

As I read Silverstein’s words, I was struck by another thought: The myth of gay misery remains strong even today; mainstream society still views homosexuals as people who can’t form long-lasting relationships, who can’t lead happy lives.

I‘LL NEVER FORGET A CONVERSATION I HAD WITH MY DAD a few years ago during a golfing trip to Florida. One night over dinner, after a few drinks, we started to talk about my life and my life partner. Jeff and I had already been together for more than 10 years, and he had long since become part of my family, someone both my parents loved and respected, yet my father could look at me and say, “The only thing that makes me sad is that you’ll never be able to live a full and happy life.” I looked back at him in disbelief. Was this his oblique way of lamenting the fact that I would never give him grandchildren? I took a deep breath and tried to explain to him that my relationship with Jeff seemed to me far fuller and happier than many marriages among my straight contemporaries. I’m not sure he believed me then, but I think he believes me now.

And so would many others. As much as anything, this is due to sheer force of numbers. If you live in the urban centres of most North American or Western European large cities, you almost certainly know some gay people and at least one gay couple. Why, in some urban circles it’s become de rigueur to have at least one gay friend. Regardless of where you live you can’t avoid the topic of gay rights; it appears in the press almost daily: same-sex spousal benefits, gay marriages, amendment of the human rights code to include sexual orientation. Hawaii is likely to become the first North American jurisdiction to legalize gay marriage; British Columbia under a gay-friendly NDP government could well be next. And all of these developments indicate that gay couples have emerged from their particular closets with considerable éclat.

More men are choosing to live together in committed relationships for many reasons. The most obvious is the AIDS epidemic, which put the fear of promiscuity into the gay (and straight) community. The emergence of positive role models for gay people, including more and more openly gay couples, also has a lot to do with it; when I was coming out, there was no Rob and Dan I could look up to. Perhaps — dare I say it? — gay men are growing up and realizing that there’s a lot more to the quality of one’s life than the quality of one’s sex.

Above all else, thanks to the pioneers of gay liberation, we live in a social climate where homosexuality is widely tolerated, if not accepted as a normal human variant. Such a climate permits a degree of choice hitherto unavailable to me and my kind. I have no doubt, for example, that had I been born even 10 years earlier (in 1940 instead of 1950), I would have gotten married, perhaps had children, sought sexual satisfaction during secret forays into the gay world, all while carrying a deep burden of guilt. (By middle age, I would have divorced my wife and possibly “remarried” another man.) Or I might have entered religious orders and denied my sexuality completely — with possible consequences that have become all too familiar in recent years.

In contrast to these surreptitious lifestyles, many gay men now believe they have the option to live in couples and lead ordinary lives in the midst of the mostly straight world. Despite other options, such as living in more communal arrangements or in sexually open relationships, an increasing number, especially the gay men now in their 20s that I talk to, aspire to the coupled state.

Many gays argue that these couples are simply mimicking the conventions of straight society and that such pairings betray a lack of self-acceptance, that at some subconscious level, we still hate our sexuality and want to turn ourselves into couples that look and act just like heteros — but can never quite pull it off. I agree with these critics that homophobia is far from being an exclusively straight disease. Every time I make fun of some guy for being too effeminate or complain about the more outrageous displays on Pride Day or decry the more risqué regions of gay sexual practice, I’m betraying my own fear of parts of myself I don’t yet fully accept. Inevitably, most gay men retain a degree of internalized homophobia — so ingrained is the taboo of homosexuality in Western culture — but I don’t buy the line that committed gay couples are automatically self-haters. For me, living with my partner simply feels right. And the more openly I live with him, the more right it feels. In fact, far from being a sign of self-oppression, the self-acceptance that living openly broadcasts is a serious challenge to the straight world — particularly when such a relationship works as well as, or better than, many heterosexual couplings.

So just what are these proliferating same-sex relationships like? Are they in some definable way different from heterosexual unions? Here I can only write from personal experience — of my own relationship of 20 years and of the similarly enduring relationships within my social circle. The couples I have known are as varied as the individuals who form them. Some work well, some less so. Some last, some don’t. (The longest-lasting couple of our acquaintance have just celebrated their 46th anniversary.) But those that survive do seem to have one attribute in common. They are founded on some deep-seated sense of equality, of brotherhood. This is not to say that equality equals durability. Couples part for many reasons; but it seems that relationships founded on a meeting of equals are far more likely to last.

While superficially the partners may adopt roles that seem to correspond to traditional straight pairings, there is no simple correlation, no clear wife and husband. The person who does most of the cooking may also be the primary — or only — breadwinner. The person who likes to go out once a week for a game of poker with the “boys,” may also be the one who does the laundry and most of the housework. The sports buff may do the ironing while watching Monday Night Football. But the chores and responsibilities of domestic partnership are shared, more or less equally, and, to a greater or lesser degree, without resentment.

Lest I be accused of idealizing the successful homosexual couple, let me hasten to add that I know my share of dysfunctional gay pairings: sons who have married surrogate fathers, addicts who have married fellow addicts, abusers who have married men who need to be abused, relationships that are as grossly unequal as the worst straight marriage. But what I find surprising, when I compare the gay and straight couples I know, is the number of male-male unions that seem in some sense exemplary of what a marriage is supposed to be.

Over time and across cultures, though, marriage has meant many things. It long ago stopped being an exchange of property between the father and the husband, or as it later became, primarily an arrangement for the rearing of children. During the first millennium of Christianity, marriage was rarely sanctified by a church ceremony because Christianity was profoundly ambivalent about any sacrament that appeared to encourage sex. According to John Boswell, a Yale historian who has excavated the history of the gay male relationship in pre-modern Europe, the modern definition of marriage has become increasingly difficult to pin down. “Although marriage seems to the unreflective to be a tightly defined and specific phenomenon . . . what a society recognizes as ‘marriage’ depends only partly on a precise definition. Roman Catholics, Protestants, Jews, and nonreligious lawyers all have quite specific and different definitions of what constitutes a ‘marriage,’ but in most large American cities, each of these groups is generally willing, de facto, to recognize the validity of the others’ marriages. This is also true of unions that do not match any group’s definition, if the parties regard themselves as ‘married.’. . . ”

Despite such vagueness, most North Americans, gay or straight, see marriage as a heterosexual institution, which helps explain the general discomfort of friends and family when Rob and Dan decided to walk down the aisle together. One day shortly after they announced their intention to hold a public ceremony, they were having brunch with Dan’s older brother and his wife. During this meal the brother confessed, “I wish you wouldn’t use the word wedding to describe what you’re doing. Wedding is a word that applies only to straight people.” An awkward discussion ensued, with Rob at one point asking Dan’s brother just which words he would reserve for the exclusive use of straight couples: Love? Commitment? After the brunch nothing more was heard on the topic until a week before the ceremony, when the youngest of Dan’s three nephews, age 8, casually asked him, “So, are you guys married yet?” For at least one heterosexual family, the definition of marriage had expanded to include the union of two men.

Presumably most of us could agree that marriage involves the committed union of two adult human beings and that whether or not the couple has children the partners are no less married. By these criteria — if you allow the two adults to belong to the same sex — many of the gay couples of my acquaintance are surely married, and a high proportion of them successfully so.

Straight friends tell me that, even after living with the same partner for many years, the decision to get married is a weighty one — not surprising, given the tainted reputation that marriage currently suffers. Yet gay men increasingly choose commitment, perhaps because they have no stereotype of same-sex union to refer to, no negative image to scare them off. Nonetheless, it takes a good deal of stubbornness for two men to hang together in a society that still doesn’t like the idea of any homosexual union — especially an overt one — and doesn’t quite know how to deal with it.

The success of same-sex relationships surely stems in part from commonalities between the partners. Both are from Mars, and when they visit Venus they travel on the same spaceship. Two men living together over many years follow parallel psychological and physical patterns as they pass from youth through middle age to old age. Most gay male couples also enjoy the advantages of two incomes without the disadvantages and stresses of unwanted child rearing. If the contemporary cliché of straight marriage is that it ends in divorce, then the emerging cliché of gay union is that it ends in lifelong commitment.

Contrary to those gay critics who argue that conventional gay couples have taken a backward step on the road to gay liberation, in at least one important way, the committed union of two men improves on the heterosexual norm, rather than palely imitating it. It is far more nurturing of individual autonomy — the union of separates and equals — than is the usual union of a man (generally more autonomous) and a woman (generally more dependent). Peter Kramer, a prominent U.S. psychiatrist and author of the recently published Should You Leave? maintains that the disquietingly high divorce rate is partly a product of the inability of the conventional heterosexual marriage to nurture two autonomous individuals — the ideal we children of modern psychotherapy and personal-growth doctrines all yearn for. In these terms, “a successful marriage is one that increases the ‘self-actualization’ of each member,” says Kramer. If I’m right that gay unions are less likely to end in breakup than are straight couplings, this durability may have something to do with their tolerance of individual self-actualization.

But it’s one thing to support gay unions and quite another to support the public performance of same-sex marriages or the legalization of marriage between two men or two women. These are issues that raise as many hackles among gay men as they do among heterosexuals — but for very different reasons. Most gay people recoil from the notion of getting married “just like straights.” And the politically correct gay press tends to deride gay marriage ceremonies as retrogressive. Gay men often refer in mock disgust to heterosexual parents as “breeders,” a bit of gay irony that may say more about our yearning to nurture children than a hatred of the heterosexual norm. Many gay men say their one regret about being gay is that they can’t have kids. And most of my gay friends enjoy spending time with their parents and siblings, love them dearly, and find in the example of their families of origin comfort as well as caution. They also tend to be devoted to their nieces and nephews or to have happily adopted an avuncular role with the children of straight friends. Nonetheless, we gay couples like to see ourselves as offering something different from what many of us regard as a failed heterosexual institution. Surely we can do better? And doesn’t a public marriage ceremony, which implies we want the endorsement of the straight world, prove the critics right? Doesn’t it mean we’re simply trying to act like heteros?

When Rob and Dan first announced their intention to tie the knot, the general reaction in our circle was not positive. In fact, most of our friends were appalled. All sorts of sly (read, embarrassed) jokes ensued: Who would be wearing the wedding dress? And would it be virginal white? (Like many contemporary straight couples, Rob and Dan had been living together for some time.) Who would throw the bouquet? But in our more serious moments, we argued earnestly that by aping the straight conventions, they actually diminished their relationship. Each imitation of a straight convention — registering china and crystal patterns; allowing two (lesbian) friends to host a prenuptial shower (a fine wine shower, mind you) — threw us into a self-righteous tizzy. With the wedding day drawing near, our collective dread deepened.

I was as guilty of this behavior as anyone, but I also found myself privately asking some unsettling questions: Why didn’t Rob and Dan have the right to a formal marriage ceremony? Why should two adults who want to commit their lives to each other not enjoy the same privileges as other like-minded couples, including sharing in employee benefits such as health and dental plans or being eligible for death benefits? Without the legal sanction of marriage, gay couples can find themselves without rights when they most need them. There are too many tales of gay spouses being denied access to a lover’s deathbed by unaccepting parents who pose as the only legitimate “next of kin.” And so on. Nonetheless, I didn’t like it. And every time I thought of the impending nuptials, I could feel myself flush. The whole affair made me profoundly uncomfortable.

UNTIL QUITE RECENTLY, MOST GAY COUPLES PREFERRED to live as anonymously as possible. For five years after my lover and I first got together, we hesitated to set up a joint household: It was simply too public a statement, too radical a coming out. (At that point, neither of us had admitted our sexuality to our parents, our siblings, our straight friends, our co-workers; we were only out among other gay and lesbian people.) Nonetheless, we spoke to each other every single day and spent most of our nights in the same bed. We certainly thought of ourselves as a couple.

What changed? Well, for one thing, our urban home turf became a more welcoming place. (Toronto is without a doubt among the most gay-friendly cities in the world.) For another, we each achieved the necessary degree of self-acceptance (a lifelong and unfinished project). To do this, we had to define ourselves by something more than our sexual preference. (Accepting that one is sexually attracted to the same sex is only the first stage of coming out, one that many gay men still never reach.) To put it another way, we took the sex out of homosexual — or rather we put it in its proper place. Each of us prefers to live with another man. Each of us feels completed and affirmed in some profound way. This is where we belong.

Such self-acceptance breeds boldness: If it feels so right, then I must have every right to live this way. It also breeds acceptance in others. Between us, my partner and I have three nieces who have grown up only knowing that Uncle Dana and Uncle Jeff sleep in the same bed. (In case you’re wondering, the first thing a small child asks when in a new house is, “Where do you sleep?” And then, “Where does he sleep?”) Several years ago, my oldest friend, whom I met in grade 9, asked me and Jeff to become joint godfathers to his third child, a responsibility we take quite seriously. For the younger generation, as for their parents, our long relationship has, it seems, in some ways become a role model. And the more open we and others like us become, the more acceptable homosexuality will become, the easier for younger gays to follow in our footsteps.

Bruce Bawer, author of A Place at the Table, argues that gay couples almost unwittingly join a social vanguard. “All other things being equal,” writes Bawer, “the gay man who lives alone and makes regular trips to a pickup bar is confronted with considerably fewer social and professional problems than one who lives in a committed relationship with another man. The regular bar-goer can compartmentalize his life very easily; all he has to do is keep his pickups secret from family and friends and co-workers. But a member of a gay couple is automatically confronted with moral problems. When co-workers talk about their spouses, what does he do? Keep quiet? Lie? Mention his companion as matter-of-factly as they mention their spouses? If he keeps it a secret, he may be disgusted with himself for behaving as if his love is something of which to be ashamed. What hope is there for a committed, loving relationship between two people when it is hidden in this way? On the other hand, if he does mention his companion, he is liable to come up against some who find his homosexuality anathema and who are in a position to threaten his livelihood. Even if he doesn’t mention his relationship, the people he works with will probably find out eventually; it is difficult to live with another person for long without one’s co-workers knowing about it.”

To fully join this social vanguard by openly celebrating gay unions — even to go so far as participating in a formal wedding ceremony — gay men must let go of their own prejudices and assumptions — still nurtured by the gay press — which were acquired, like mine were, during an earlier involvement in the sexual freedom phase of gay liberation. And we will have to let go of the notion that it’s easier on everyone — ourselves, our parents, our straight friends — if we strive to maintain some magical balance between openness and discretion. How often have we heard supposedly accepting straight people say something like, “We have no problem with your being gay as long as you don’t hold hands in public.” And so on.

Although I live my life largely apart from the gay subculture, I’m not going to give up my involvement in the gay community. (I donate time and expertise to an AIDS hospice, where most of the other volunteers are also gay, I love going for an occasional dinner in a gay restaurant, where I can survey a room where straights are a tiny minority, and I would go dancing in gay clubs more often if it weren’t for the cigarette smoke.) The subculture is, after all, the only place where I feel totally accepted and totally able to be myself. But neither am I going to feel guilty about being, more than anything else, a conventional middle-class man, trying to share a decent life with the person I love. In fact, by the time I began to write this article, I felt like celebrating my union in a way that would have been unthinkable even a few years ago.

Jeff and I decided to make our 20th anniversary party a big bash, to invite all the people we cared about — and were out to — gay and straight, friends, business associates, family. (We chose a date that fell close to our first meeting.) And as we talked over how we wanted the evening to unfold we were more and more drawn to the idea of including some sort of formal element, perhaps inviting a few friends to speak about our relationship, to celebrate it in word as well as by their presence. (One friend sent out a letter to all our guests, inviting brief statements that would be bound into a small booklet to commemorate the event.) Instead of being embarrassed by these intimations of formality, I saw them as signs of progress. Each step Jeff and I took toward making this a conventional wedding anniversary would also represent a step, however hesitant, toward our liberation, both personal and political.

That Jeff and I both felt ready to take this step was significant for our relationship in several ways. For one, it marked the first time we have made anything resembling a formal commitment to each other. But even more important, to me, was that Jeff was willing to choose me — and us — over his blood family and their world, a world in which he still fears discovery and humiliation for being what he proudly was on our anniversary day. As we finalized the guest list, I watched sadly while he agonized over whether or not to invite his parents to our 20th. He desperately wanted them there but knew he couldn’t invite them without having a conversation he has long avoided and whose consequences he couldn’t predict. (In the end, he simply chose not to even tell them that he and I were throwing a party.) One of the saddest things he said to me as together we made the preparations was that the guest list included only a small fraction of the people he would have liked to invite. For him, simply celebrating our anniversary in a public place was a courageous act.

We both had a fabulous time, revelling in the amazing energy in the room that surely had something to do with the rareness of the occasion. Although we tried to keep the speeches short, so that dinner could quickly give way to dancing, our friends had a different idea — and we got more than an earful of funny and loving tributes. (After dinner, my mother jokingly commented, “I didn’t know my son was a saint.”) Perhaps what gave me greatest pleasure — apart from the wonderful words that were spoken — was to observe the melding of different worlds in one ebullient celebration.

At our anniversary bash, we made a different sort of noise than do the marchers for gay rights, but I have a notion our noise may well travel farther. I’d like to think that no one — gay or straight — left the party without having experienced at least some subtle shift in consciousness, some inkling of emerging social possibilities. As I said in my welcoming remarks, “This evening is more than a personal celebration; it is also a celebration of commitment and freedom.” Something had certainly shifted for Jeff. Since the day, he has told me he feels less fear that his world will collapse if his secret becomes known. We both feel that our commitment to each other has been deepened.

BY THE TIME ROB AND DAN’S WEDDING DAY ROLLED AROUND, my partner and I were feeling more positive about the event, but nonetheless apprehensive. How would their families handle it? Rob’s mother and father are in their 80s and come from a very religious background. They’d been very supportive of him and Dan, but would it be too much when, once vows and rings had been exchanged, the groom kissed the groom? And what about Dan’s two young daughters? It was one thing for their dad to explain to them that he had fallen in love with another man, it was quite another for him to subject them to what could be seen as a parody of a straight wedding.

In the end, our fears were in some ways borne out and in other ways dispelled. There was an inevitable awkwardness as the many gay friends of the betrothed — most of them couples, I should add — mingled with their straight friends and relatives.

To the relief of many, Dan’s children didn’t come after all; their mother, not surprisingly unwilling to attend herself, arranged some pressing engagement that kept them away. As a result, Dan’s nephews stayed home — lest they be the only kids present. But I found this absence of the younger generation disappointing, because the ceremony, it seemed to me, was as much for them as it was for Rob and Dan and their contemporaries.

My first gay wedding turned out to be a mostly joyous and moving affair. I got a kick out of the pink (blush) wine served with dinner and the rainbow flags and balloons decorating the dining area. Both families were there in force. Dan’s parents and two of his three brothers attended with their wives (and the one who couldn’t make it sent a lavish gift). Three of Rob’s four siblings and their spouses attended, as did his parents, and the brother who couldn’t make it lent them his Cape Breton cottage for their honeymoon. It was one of Dan’s brothers who led off the dancing after dinner, with couples both straight and gay soon joining in.

Yes, I winced a little when Rob and Dan kissed after exchanging vows under the wedding arch, but it was a wince of embarrassment, not shame. (By the time we sat down to dinner, I felt comfortable enough to happily join the repeated choruses of clinking glasses that impelled the happy couple to share another public kiss.)

I still have grave reservations about calling what Rob and Dan celebrated a wedding. The word has too many unfortunate connotations. But I have no reservations about their decision to publicly formalize their union. And, in the wake of our own wonderful 20th anniversary bash, I’ve found myself regretting — just a little — the marriage ceremony we never had.

Click here to continue to part 2: Letters

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What would happen if . . . we banned medical research on animals?

Jacqui Barnes and Pat Guyda
The Next City
December 21, 1997

 

Jacqui Barnes, a director of Animal Alliance of Canada, and Pat Guyda, president of Canadians for Health Research, comments

 

We could consider abandoning the animal model of human disease. Although the public gives researchers the onerous task of curing us, we rarely allow them to use our bodies for research. Scientists created the animal model, which made it morally acceptable to use “soulless” animals in ethically questionable research. Humans have used animals to model most, if not all, of our diseases and abnormal behaviors. In fact, researchers rely so heavily on animal models to fight diseases that they have placed less emphasis on gathering data from those who have the disease and from broader epidemiological information. Using the animal model to find cures for human diseases is like trying to fit a round peg into a square hole. If you pound hard and long enough, you may get it — however imperfectly.

Scientists and researchers would be subject to public scrutiny. Currently, the public is more concerned with the results of biomedical research than the process. Once researchers focus on humans rather than on the animal model, we will be more involved in the research process and have a more vested interest in researchers’ methods.

We would respect the lives of animals. Any progressive and conscientious civilization would be opposed to any research on unconsenting beings, particularly if that research is not for their direct benefit.

There would still be medical advances. To think otherwise is shortsighted and irresponsible and perpetuates a defeatist attitude toward our battle with disease. Abolishing medical research on animals would give us a whole new outlook on human health: Resources would be used to educate, establish support groups, encourage lifestyle changes, and explore alternative and non-invasive ways of healing. We would have a more humane and creative agenda based on human health rather than human disease.

Pat Guyda

Our lives, safety, and well-being would be compromised. Medical researchers use laboratory animals to provide fundamental biological knowledge that will help in developing disease prevention and treatment; to provide information about specific diseases or disorders; to test potential therapies, diagnostic and surgical procedures, and medical devices; and to study the safety and efficacy of new drugs or to determine the potential toxicity of chemicals to which we will be exposed. Both humans and animals have derived enormous benefit from this research. The means to cure, treat, and prevent the diseases and disorders that still inflict pain, disability, and death on millions of people and animals each year require the continued responsible use of some laboratory animals.

Why can’t we use human subjects? Humans do participate in experimental trials. However, for a number of reasons, including important ethical and legal considerations, human subjects can’t provide the needed information. For example, Alzheimer’s takes a long time to develop. Animal models enable scientists to study the full range of disease progression in a relatively short time. Few of us would offer ourselves, or a family member, as the first subject of research on a disease such as AIDS. Nor would we wish to be the first to experience an untried procedure or a medication, however promising, that has never been tested in a living system.

Are there “alternatives” to using animals in medical research? Yes. Over the past 25 years, scientists have developed methodologies that have reduced our reliance on animals by 50 to 60 per cent, and researchers are making further progress all the time. However, Canadians must acknowledge that, at least into the foreseeable future, the use of animals in medical research cannot be completely eliminated.

Jacqui Barnes

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Discussion Group, Our tower of babel

Andrew Faiz
The Next City
December 21, 1997

THE POOR AND THE IMMIGRANT HAVE RUINED THIS COUNTRY. Forty years ago, Canada was the apotheosis of community spirit. Folks liked one another, they knew one another, they looked after one another. Women could walk at night without being accosted by some drug-addled crazy, and children could play out on the street without being abducted by some oversexed lunatic. Then came the immigrants and the welfare people, and next thing you knew you had to wait for a raging flood to nearly devastate a whole province to witness any community spirit at all.

Canada used to be one big community with foreigners on the side. It took them a while to understand how things worked, but when they did they were welcome to join right in. Then we got multiculturalism, and the foreigners could have their own community without joining in. Things began to splinter off then. Not just a Pakistani community, for example, but Pakistani Anglican Lahoris, or Sunni Karachites. The titles of self-identification became more and more specific. Identity politics ruled the day.

The spirit of community is the joining together of personal identities into a richer communal body. Ecological communities thrive on diversity, each life depending on the other for survival. Canadians have moved in the opposite direction. I have a friend whose family came from Greece about the time mine arrived from Pakistan. He grew up here as I did. His mother speaks no English. She doesn’t need it to live in this country. Many consider this a triumph of multiculturalism. I believe it a victory of isolationism, the anathema of community. As her neighborhood changes, as it becomes less Greek, I see the frustrated loneliness on her face.

We have forgotten the communal in community and made it synonymous with insularity. While the country became irrevocably pigmented, Canadians responded by turning the diverse into the divisive.

The rot was already visible (albeit in retrospect) when I arrived in this country a quarter century ago. My family moved into Flemingdon Park, a Toronto neighborhood that has been the first home for many immigrants to Canada in the past three decades. It is a square mile, currently housing 25,000 people from an estimated 100 countries, speaking up to 80 different languages or dialects. The unemployment rate is 25 per cent, and family income ranges from six figures down to nothing. It has approximately 700 subsidized rental units, and many residents receive some form of government subsidy. This neighborhood has witnessed several attempts over the years to develop a traditional community sensibility despite its diverse components. The struggles witnessed here — to establish a future, to begin new lives, and to settle children as middle-class Canadians — illustrate the search for, and the loss of, community in this country.

MACKLIN HANCOCK DESIGNED FLEMINGDON PARK AFTER DESIGNING Don Mills — the Canadian epitome of a planned community — for industrialist E. P. Taylor. Flemingdon was to be a bonsai Don Mills — a third of the population on a quarter of the land, with all the amenities of family life.

The Fleming Estate, a farm in the 1940s that lay squarely inside the budding metropolis of Toronto, was sandwiched by several tributaries of the Don River. The Don Valley Parkway skirted the estate, giving residents of the proposed development easy access to the centre and outskirts of the city and to the wilds of the Don River Valley.

By all accounts, Flemingdon was the perfect community in the early 1960s. With rents ranging from $110 to $180 a month, office workers could live nearby. The residents were professionals and semiprofessionals, middle class, and culturally homogenous. The industrial part of the development was home to the international offices of Bata, along with the Japanese-Canadian Cultural Centre, Shell, Oxford University Press, A. C. Nielsen, IBM, and many others. The CBC planned to build its Radio and Television City on 33 acres in the northeast corner.

Church and school were at the centre of Hancock’s design. Husband worked, wife stayed at home. Green space was everywhere, around the apartment buildings, in and through the garden courts, beside and under the main roads. It was a complete small town inside Metropolitan Toronto.

Flemingdon was safe and secure, but for only one reason: The residents were neither immigrant (certainly not visibly) nor poor. As soon as the complexion and economics of the neighborhood changed, so did its claim to community. Those who lived through the changing times, from the late 1960s to the early 1970s, swear a different universe supplanted the same plot of land.

Those people

FLEMINGDON’S DEVELOPER WENT BANKRUPT IN THE MID-1960S. The Reichmann family bought the development, aggressively developed its commercial sites, and sold off parcels, including a set of handsome Georgian row houses, to the Ontario Housing Corporation, the public housing authority.

Slowly, the producers, the professionals, the middle class moved out. The CBC thought the better of moving in. The Reichmanns moved on to downtown Toronto, Manhattan, and later London. After the poor arrived, it was only a matter of course that the immigrants should join them. When Idi Amin expelled South Asians in the early 1970s, Flemingdon Park changed forever. From 1972 on, came an endless wave of Ismaili East Africans, Vietnamese, Russian Jews, Middle Easterners, Tamils, Somalis, Serbo-Croatians, and so on.

Native-born, white-skinned families kept moving out, and with their departure, Canadian traditions were cast aside, homogeneity was erased, the church sited by Macklin Hancock sat lonely on its plot. The Muslim service in a school auditorium attracted as many worshippers on a Friday night as the Catholic service on a Sunday morning, the latter mostly filled by South-East Asians until Eastern European faces could be spotted in the early 1990s. A Pentecostal congregation of mostly island blacks has also thrived. But the Anglicans never got a foothold in the neighborhood, and the Presbyterian Church has struggled on the edge for years, scraping together a motley collection of Protestants under the banner of Community Church.

The public housing complex withered under government administration. The ravine pedestrian paths were not completed. The garden courts became nightly homes for loitering gangs. The individualized parking garages became a boon to drug dealers — buyers and sellers could slip underground to do their business away from scrutinizing eyes. Crack houses were popular for a while.

The Georgian houses, once charmingly close to one another, now seemed cramped. Conflicting musical tastes drove neighbors to fight. In the apartment buildings, food smells invaded the hallways. Curries, fish, and other foods choked buildings in winter, when the cold discouraged open windows, and in the summer, when the air was still and humid. Building superintendents tried placing people of the same heritage on the same floor — a game effort that rarely worked. The much vaunted diversity — the multicultural fabric that Canadians love to boast about — started to fray around the edges, wear thin, and tear.

The Flemingdon newspaper took Macklin Hancock to task for having sanitized the community. “Could Flemingdon Park ever have been a truly planned community?” it wrote in the late 1970s. “It seems almost humorous that in the early 1960s, apartments were being built specifically for singles and childless married couples. . . . Didn’t anyone even think about how many different racial groups would become an increasing part of Metro’s mosaic?”

MY FAMILY ARRIVED IN 1971, JUST BEFORE THE IMMIGRANT WAVES. The local leaders, movers, and shakers were all of British descent (i.e., white), which was just fine by us. My parents had more pressing needs than community development. They had to learn how to negotiate public transportation, get their diplomas assessed and their children schooled. There was much to learn.

Our fellow Flemingdonians were those left behind in the rush of exiting professionals. Many were single moms. Most were young middle-class families who would soon move out to buy homes in the burgeoning suburbs outside the city. In the meantime, however, they pushed and prodded their local politicians and businesses. They formed a community council and capitalized on the growing population to get political clout.

To their mind, Flemingdon was still raw. It needed much more. The population of 14,000 (the size of an average Canadian town) must have its own health centre, legal aid, social services. Plus, soccer, hockey, bus route, and so on. They brought all of these concerns to the community council to give one voice to each claim and won every demand. At the same time, the Catholic priest had a wild vision of a multimedia centre and gathering place based on Emil Radok’s Living Library in the Czech pavilion at Expo 67. His vision ignited the community council, and the Resource Centre, as it would be called, became the central metaphor for Flemingdon’s community efforts. It was to be a one-stop service centre, where legal aid, medical and other social agencies would be housed, along with a stage, a screen, the latest in media equipment, a swimming pool, a gymnasium, a library, a community-run store, lots of meeting rooms, and a senior citizens home. According to Contact, the neighborhood’s mimeographed newsletter which grew into a biweekly newspaper, the Resource Centre would be the castle for the Kingdom of Flemingdon Park.

Those were exciting times. We had street dances, Dominion Day parades, Santa Claus drives, an invigorating community council. The village had been brought to the city; personal roles determined by family and culture were as active and important as the public roles called for by community participation. We had, in short, a spirit of community that transcended race and religion.

Race communities

IN THESE EFFORTS, FLEMINGDON PARK’S STORY PARALLELS that of many other neighborhoods, towns, and cities across Canada. The 1970s saw enormous wealth and change. Buildings went up, and social service agencies dug in. We had the money to pay for our ideals, but the ideals were softheaded.

The Resource Centre did not become a place of dreams. It was a building with a pool, a library, and a seniors home. It fell under the pall of bureaucratic tight-fistedness. It came at the cost of allowing more building permits to the developer, foisting more towers on the already dense neighborhood.

The invigorating community council ultimately became exhausting. The hockey program died when a board member absconded with the funds; Flemingdon has had no hockey since. Nobody had the energy to start again. It was fought for once, and it failed.

Other efforts also fizzled. One of the most famous was the Tea Party project. Neighbors, mostly moms, walked around the garden courts in the evenings, pretending to have tea and biscuits. They got in the way of the drug pushers and scared away the buyers, without being overtly rude or abrasive. But the benefits of these nightly teas were not discernable and quick; the teas only lasted a few months. Real life got in the way, schedules were difficult to manage, people got bored with the effort. The pushers stayed, the tea parties moved on.

People often confuse community with causes. But causes come and go; they ignite people but rarely unite them. Within a few years of the Resource Centre’s dedication, the community council and Contact faded away. They had led the fight for Flemingdon Park, but they comprised overworked volunteers. One woman, who worked on both projects, spent four nights and half a weekend on community work for several years. She dropped out due to sheer exhaustion as did many of her fellows.

The community council and Contact had tried to make everybody feel special, the kind of special championed in a series of articles in Contact. For example, “Racism: The Contribution of East Indians. Third in a Series” gushed about the contribution of subcontinentals to Canada, lamenting that they are often overlooked because they are “visible minorities,” and lauding them for being educated, English speaking, professionals, and part of this country’s national dream since the 1870s.

These race-based mantras — sadly, they remain legion in magazines, newspapers, radio, and television across this country — are inherently racist, their effort to bolster the claim of a race to Canadian status is ultimately condescending. They touch all of our liberal clichés and end up packeting people. “Hi, as a Pakistani could you please give me the Pakistani perspective on being a Pakistani in a non-Pakistani country like Canada?” It’s a closed question; it puts the focus only on race. It sounds like community, but it stinks of segregation.

In trying to make everybody feel special, the community council and Contact acted from a good heart and a soft head. This effort was not necessary. The newcomers were visible in many of the decisions made in Flemingdon by the late 1970s.

Their presence often led to odd alliances. The Presbyterian minister received the Ismaili Muslims’ support when he tried to convince the community council to discourage hockey games and practices on Sunday mornings. Conversely, the Ismailis’ bid for their own legal aid clinic failed — amid bitter calls of racism from both sides — in favor of one from the community council. Alliances grew from greater issues of spirituality and community good, while differences were often along racial lines.

This segregation grew thicker in time. In hindsight, the Tea Party project became a black effort against black drug dealers, led by a charismatic black man who eschewed the support of non-black (and non-born-again Christian) agencies and groups. A lot of the unrest in public housing today revolves around race: blacks v. the police or black v. white. Often, each racial group feels victimized by the other.

By highlighting race, by holding it up as important, the residents of Flemingdon ultimately reduced all issues to race. As the residents grew tired, they handed more and more authority to professionals, eliminating any hope of developing community spirit.

SOCIAL SERVICE AGENCIES HAVE FORGOTTEN HOW TO FIGHT for justice; they now fight for funding. This didn’t happen overnight. It has taken three decades of sucking off the public teat. On the surface, the workers will argue that they are defending principles of universality and human development. In fact, they are defending their own jobs.

I don’t say this lightly. I have worked as a volunteer, as a board member and chair for a variety of agencies in Flemingdon Park. Though I don’t deny that some good and needed work is being done, or that Flemingdon, or Canada, lack the truly disadvantaged, facts have been twisted to fit a theory.

Most immigrants are educated and experienced. They often lack English skills but might speak several other languages and hold several degrees. They are demanding and focused. They don’t want to be pitied and don’t necessarily want to be in Canada, though they will grudgingly acknowledge it’s better than the country they left. What they lack is exactly what my parents lacked three decades ago: a sense of the local customs, jargons, and bureaucracies. They are alone in an ocean of strangers.

Theories of disempowerment produce a negative and condescending process. John McKnight, the famous community theorist, calls that process “needs assessment” and argues against it. He tells the story of the village drunk who happens to be a great electrician when sober. Needs assessment sees him only as a drunk instead of as a man of skill and talent. McKnight argues that the focus should be on the man’s strengths and abilities. If he is allowed to be an electrician more often, he will be sober more often, thereby building confidence and self-worth. Focusing on his illness convinces the man he is worthless.

Needs assessment has dominated Flemingdon for many years. The immigrant and the poor have been convinced that they are immigrant and poor, dependent upon the aid of social workers for entry into society. Agencies pushed them into their own ethnic corners to then save them. Each agency has its little packet of people, each claims to be serving the community, each has its own political philosophy and theory of development. Overall services are duplicated and triplicated, meaningful communication among agencies is negligible, many distrust one another’s theoretical approaches. Flemingdon’s 500 volunteers are split willy-nilly. It’s an absolute mess of splinter groups. This is our new tower of Babel: a cacophony of communities. Government sources pour hundreds of thousands of dollars annually into various service agencies that exist to protect themselves in the name of their needy constituents.

My family was lucky when we came to Canada. We didn’t know we were disenfranchised or disempowered. We were lucky to have the guidance of our church, school, work and the friends who had emigrated here earlier. All of these and others were responsible for our first residence, car, winter clothes, furniture, and television.

The immigrant today is not as lucky. Professional community workers have taken on the role of community council. All decisions are from the top down — the apex being the pet development theory, the residents now the subjects at the bottom. In the 1970s, the residents determined their own needs — more bus stops, more stop signs, and so on. Now they are told what they need.

Spring socials

COMMUNITY IS NOTHING MORE THAN THE ANTIDOTE TO isolation. Stuck on prairie farms for six months of winter, folks need to have a dance, a social in the spring. They need to help one another over the summer, patch some roofs, raise a barn or two, harvest the crop. Community is an economic necessity and an emotional one. Events like these form the nostalgia we feel about community. Somehow or other, when it comes to city communities, we fail to recognize the obvious. We can’t see past race.

If this is a racist country then I’ve somehow missed it. Other than being called Paki several dozen times on the street and being spoken to inappropriately by cops on a few occasions (and having one potential white mom-in-law rant at her daughter about maintaining ethnic purity) I have not tasted racism. I don’t believe I’ve lost a job or gained one, or lost a friend or partner due to my pigment and accent. When I challenge other pigmented folk on this point they agree to a degree. Yet it is comfortable for many immigrants, and many non-immigrants, too, to believe this is a racist country; it makes Canada more like America.

But, it’s not racism we suffer, it’s laziness. We have prettified race and not dealt with it. We call it multiculturalism or mosaic, but these are only cute and meaningless words. It is really really tough to live next door to somebody who listens to Madhuri Dixit every night and makes curried fish often. The sounds and the smells can drive you insane. This is the real multicultural experience — not some safe ethnic restaurant or occasional folk dance festival.

Hassan Dualeh, a Flemingdon resident, believes we are tearing ourselves apart: “The way multiculturalism is here, you can have your own language, you can have your own culture, you can have your own religion, you can have your own community. But the name multiculturalism doesn’t mean that. The name should mean that the different language, the different culture they have to share together become one unit. They have to become friends, they have to integrate, they have to become one group of society. But it is not going to happen.”

Dualeh was a student in Somalia when his brother was executed. He fled to Canada, having married his brother’s wife, to seek asylum. He escaped because others were able to convince the authorities that he was just a dumb kid who didn’t know anything about politics. His one goal in Canada was to complete the geology degree he would never be allowed to finish in Somalia. He’s yet to reach that goal. Instead he’s studied computers, worked as a laborer, worked in a video store, a financial institution, and as a community worker.

A gregarious man with a bum foot, he limps his way through Flemingdon. He has lost one life already, his life in Somalia. He lost it to sectarian tensions. He sees those same forces at work in Canada. Many other multicults in Flemingdon echo his observations. Djordje Sredojevic was a sociologist in Croatia. “Here people have community, and they have country, but they do not have society.” He was born a Serb and lived and worked in Croatia. He was confused when ethnic violence broke out in his birthland. He had married a Croatian woman — it was all commonplace. In suggesting we have no society he refers to the lack of connection. We are content, it seems, to hide inside our own little communities. We don’t even see the need for a spring social.

That spring social, metaphorically, is all we need. In Flemingdon it can be witnessed in glimpses. One agency effort called Determinants of Health has attempted to address people’s isolation. Its participation rate is minuscule, and the successes modest. It has spawned a political advocacy committee, which has organized candidate debates for recent federal and provincial elections and town halls for local issues. The most fascinating thing about the participants (who easily represent the demographics) is not that they feel empowered by their actions but that they were so ready for them. Most immigrants tend to be politically minded because politics played a huge part in their decision to come to Canada. These residents don’t speak from the point of view of Somalis or Serbo-Croatians but as citizens of Canada. Nobody had asked them to use that particular voice before.

In this regard, John McKnight rings true. Do not ask people what their problems are, ask them for their solutions, their ideas, their strong backs and minds. This oddly enough has not been done in Flemingdon for decades. Nobody asked the immigrant and the poor how they would like to live in this country. When asked, they rose to the challenge. One agency sponsored an economic development program. A hundred people participated. When funding ran out, some of the participants went off on their own to learn about business plans. They want the push, the opportunity, not the pity and the theory.

Learning Cantonese

WHAT IS COMMUNITY? THE DICTIONARY MAINTAINS it is about homogeneity. I have seen community at work in my little neighborhood. I have seen it rise above petty issues of race and ethnicity to higher planes of social action and citizenship. Community is getting involved with your neighbors. It all sounds like a Sesame Street message, I know, but it’s time we learned the lesson.

It is not my intention to denigrate ethnicity or make light of its importance in the lives of individuals and families. I myself am proud of my heritage and curious about the future of my birth country. But that was then, and this is now. Roots grow only where the feet are, and my feet are in Canada. I don’t see the need for publicly funded ethnic programs. And I certainly don’t recognize the need for race-inspired policies and processes.

Hassan Dualeh and Djordje Sredojevic both agree on one more point: They watch their children exceed them in becoming Canadian. Dualeh says, “In my house I see my children, and they play with children and they are Tamil, or Serbo-Croatian, or Pakistan. And I say, yes. They are doing it.” Sredojevic jokingly laments that his son speaks a better English. The son trades sports cards, something the father does not understand. But the parents do understand that their children are breaking, naturally and casually, through the most horrendous of boundaries. They don’t start out sharing a common language but they end up doing so. They share a common experience and battlefield (school). They are affected by charm, looks, and coolness — not race. They make the most of their opportunities to live comfortably in two or more cultures simultaneously.

Beverly Chase-Dunawa, another resident, has a son about to enter postsecondary education and another in kindergarten. The youngest has a friend who teaches him Greek. This is a thing of real pride for the boy. He’s learning another language. The older boy has a Chinese girlfriend. His mother swears she’ll learn Cantonese if there is ever issue from this union. Of her boys, Mrs. Chase-Dunawa says, “I don’t know if you ever lose your cultural heritage, especially here in Toronto. I think Toronto offers a unique blend of keeping another heritage and becoming Canadian. The kids are all different, but in actual fact they are all Canadian.”

She was born in Barbados, has a strong connection to it, but was raised in small town Quebec. Her sons have a feeling for their island roots. Her experiences of this country are occasionally dotted but generally benign, encouraging, and peaceful. She had a comfortable experience growing up in two cultures — the parents were bright and the country was kind. As an adult, she is ready to take her role in among the citizens. She’s not alone.

We have thought of community for too long as only a function of ethnicity. It’s past time to lose that notion. We need to encourage more resident-based community councils and local newsletters. We need fewer agency representatives. We must stop funding communities of race, ethnicity, pigment, or class. Like the kids, we should have the more important criteria of coolness, neat hair, and bright ideas. We need models of community based on citizenship, not race.

If we don’t do these things, then the immigrant and the poor really will ruin this country. And they’ll do so with the help, funding, and blessing of the citizens. The distinction is not casual. The immigrant and the poor are disempowered and disenfranchised — opposite of the rest of us who are empowered and enfranchised citizens. We give the immigrant and the poor our subsidized pity. In return they make us fancy meals and give us a nice native dance.

It doesn’t have to be so, we didn’t need to construct for them a community of Babel. It’s well time we tore down those tower walls.

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Planners from hell – Urban Jungle Portrait of the rat

Amy Buskirk
The Next City
December 21, 1997

 

FOR MOST OF THE YEAR, city rats dine out in garbage cans and composters, washing down their repasts with sips from swimming pools and puddles. But in winter, rats often seek warmth and food in homes. While rats sneak into houses through cracks and holes in walls, an estimated 25 per cent come through toilets and drains from city sewers. In the rainy autumn season, rats especially like homes near lakes or streams where a high water table lets them easily swim through the pipes.

One winter night five years ago, while cooking dinner in his basement apartment, communications consultant Charles Savage, then a student at Queen’s University, heard a splash in his bathroom. In checking that he hadn’t left his sink running, he heard another splash coming from the toilet where a “big, fat, greasy rat” was swimming contentedly in the water. Savage screamed, slammed the bathroom door shut, and telephoned his landlord who told him to call in a professional. Half an hour after tracking down an exterminator willing to come to the after-hour rescue, he opened the front door to find not the uniformed professional he had expected, but a jean-jacketed man who looked a little greasy himself. Savage’s confidence fell further after the exterminator opened and then quickly slammed the bathroom door shut, saying, “Oh Jesus, there is a big rat in there!” He asked for a hockey stick, justifying this improvisation to his being “more an insect guy” than a rat killer. After a five-minute battle during which the rat leaped from the toilet and up the bathroom walls, the exterminator emerged victorious, the rat wrapped in sticky paper. Savage was left with a rat-free bathroom and a lasting phobia about basement toilets.

Most Canadian pest controllers have more sophisticated methods. Eileen King, president of Toronto’s Atlanta Pest Control, advises her clients to fit their toilets with a back-flow valve. Don McCarthy of Halifax’s Braemar Pest Control advises “integrated pest management” — housekeeping measures like cleaning up messy bird feeders, lining composters, covering garbage cans, and ripping out back yard ivy. When sanitation and landscaping techniques fail, McCarthy recommends mechanical traps and, as a very last resort, poison. If these also fail, mayhem may result: In six months, one pair of rats will eat about 27 pounds of food, void about 25,000 droppings and a quart of urine, and shed about one million hairs. A pair of Norway rats, Canada’s most common species, have up to seven litters per year, each of 8 to 12 young, or a potential 15,000 new rats annually.

Pest controllers disagree about how many rats live in Canadian cities. McCarthy disputes the much quoted one-to-one ratio of rats and humans, “Maybe that was the case in the 1700s and 1800s, when wooden cargo ships brought new rats to port every day, but those numbers are just an urban myth now.” John Van of Vancouver’s B.C. Pest Control estimates that 10 to 15 per cent of Vancouver — the tony parts — do have as many rats as humans. “There’s not enough food for rats in the poorer parts of Vancouver; they much prefer the affluent areas where people throw away large amounts of food, compost improperly, and keep horses.”

Only Albertans can rest easy. Starting in 1952, a modern-day Pied Piper, Napoleon Louis Poulin, rid the province of rats for $150,000 by methodically checking every farm, elevator, and building along the border and blowing an arsenic powder he called Rat Doom into the rat holes and burrows he found. Fifteen months later, the province became the world’s largest populated rat-free zone. Today, a rat patrol protects the province’s crops and people by inspecting premises in an area 600 kilometres long and 29 kilometres wide along the province’s Saskatchewan border. Sparsely populated prairie land protects the southern border, and the Rockies protect the west. Rat intruders get the poison treatment — an anticoagulant mixed in rolled oats that kills the rat through internal, and sometimes external, bleeding. The head of the rat patrol admits that he “can’t prevent every single rat from entering the province, but once they’re here, their days are usually numbered.”


Responses to Portrait of the rat

Don Cayo, Halifax, responds: January 17, 1998

I enjoyed your piece on rats, but there’s one thing about them you may not know. As with some superficially unattractive people, when you get to know them as individuals they can be nice.

We have a pet rat, Nickie. (He was named by my son who, I think, likes the euphonious way it pairs with the name of my daughter, Vickie.) Nickie’s loyal, always glad to see me when I get home after time away. He’s fairly clean; at worst scattering shavings from his cage onto the carpet or fighting like a cornered rat during his periodic baths. He eats modestly, mostly dog food and (oh, the irony) cat food, with the occasional nut or berry or piece of cheese. He’s not greedy — unlike our dog or cat, who abandon cuddles or playtime at any prospect of a treat, he spurns cheese or other goodies when he’s being petted. He’s affectionate, lavishing the tenderest little kisses on my thumbs when I rub his back with my fingers. He’s industrious, laboriously dragging bits of paper or fabric or shiny trinkets into his cage when he’s allowed out to roam on the coffee table. And he’s low maintenance — our only pet (we also have a dog and a cat, and we’ve had others) who hasn’t cost hundreds of dollars in vet bills.

His only vice — one that, I confess, I share — is a penchant for brandy. If I proffer a fingertip after dipping it into a snifter of good cognac, he may actually bite in his eagerness to savor it all. (I don’t know if he’d do the same for cheap rotgut — we never, thank heaven, have it in the house.)

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Planners from hell – The little bank that couldn’t

The Next City
December 21, 1997

 

The little bank that couldn’t

BY ALL ACCOUNTS, microcredit — tiny loans that help poor entrepreneurs buy a $75 cow or a $200 sewing machine — is an overwhelming success. In the two decades since the Grameen Bank of Bangladesh started the world’s first microlending operation, more than 5,000 organizations have provided loans to 10 million people worldwide, not just in Third World countries but to disadvantaged Hispanics in the United States and aboriginals in Canada. At the Microcredit Summit held in Washington last year, the movement pledged to reach 100 million of the world’s poor with microcredit by 2005.

The Grameen Bank’s success has brought its founder, Mohammed Yunus, the 1994 World Food Prize, audiences with European royalty and luminaries such as Hillary Clinton, and international admiration for offering the poor credit — with all the respect that that implies — instead of handouts. “The only people benefiting from [foreign] aid are those already wealthy, though they do so in the name of the poor,” Yunus says in lambasting Bangladesh’s foreign aid economy. Instead of aid, Yunus touts a brand of collective capitalism promoted through profit-making microbanks.

“Conventional banks are based on the principle that the more you have, the more you can get; if you don’t have anything, you don’t get anything,” he explained. “Grameen has literally turned this principle around.”

The Grameen Bank has opened more then 1,000 branches in rural areas, where 90 per cent of Bangladeshis live. It serves over half of Bangladesh’s 68,000 villages and has more than two million borrowers — 90 per cent of them illiterate, 94 per cent of them women — who are also shareholders. To Yunus’s pride, although virtually all borrowers are landless or own less than an acre of land, and although these loan recipients could never get credit from a conventional bank, the Grameen Bank’s repayment rate far exceeds that of commercial banks — almost 98 per cent of its loans are repaid with interest.

If all this sounds too good to be true, it is: Although Yunus calls Grameen “the most sound financial institution in Bangladesh” and he abhors the thought of Grameen dispersing charity to its customers, the Grameen Bank, itself, is a big-time charity case, propped up by international aid agencies such as the World Bank, the national aid agencies of Canada, Sweden, Norway, and the Netherlands, UN agencies like the International Fund for Agricultural Development, private foundations like the Ford Foundation, and even commercial banks — together they represent 75 per cent of Grameen’s funds. Without this international largesse, Grameen would have long ago been bankrupt.

Grameen is not commercially viable, not a bank, not even the grassrootsy institution it pretends to be — the government of Bangladesh, with 25 per cent of its board members, effectively controls Grameen. Worst of all, the bank’s much lauded reliance on group responsibility and peer pressure to prevent defaults has a reprehensible underside.

Grameen’s lending process starts with five would-be borrowers who agree to form a group in which each member guarantees — and polices — one another’s borrowings. Initially, only two members may borrow; if they make their monthly payment regularly, Grameen will then extend credit to two more, and if all four continue their repayments, the fifth can borrow, and all become entitled to larger loans. From Grameen’s perspective, self-policing works wonders in preventing defaults. But critics claim Grameen promotes unprecedented levels of indebtedness among the populace, and that the low default figures mask unprecedented misery. Because the poor in Bangladesh live so close to the edge, charges Hamidul Huq, head of a Bangladeshi group attempting to alleviate poverty, large numbers inevitably fall behind in their monthly payments whenever illness prevents them from working or some unforeseen expense arises. When this happens, the fellow members — themselves also without resources and desperate not to lose their own livelihoods — can ruthlessly force would-be defaulters to sell their meagre assets or to visit the local money lender, from which escape is rare. Faced with repayments of loans at 120 per cent per annum on top of the Grameen loans at 20 per cent, the next step is bonded labor — still a widespread practice in Bangladesh. Entire families in this way become trapped — mothers and their children as servants, husbands as farmhands or factory workers.

In other cases, the members of the group convince Grameen to reschedule their loans: Grameen bankers let them take additional loans to cover the defaults, maintaining the fiction that Grameen has the world’s best repayment rate, but leading to impossibly high repayments and worse defaults down the road, along with more pressure to visit the village money lender or become a bonded worker.

IN SOME WAYS, THE GRAMEEN BANK resembles a cult. Members greet each other with a Grameen salute, recite Grameen chants, and promise to follow “The 16 Decisions of Grameen Bank” by abandoning marriage dowries, practising birth control, building latrines, and taking part in all social events collectively. Borrowers — despite having little or no disposable income — are also required to financially support the bank through forced savings programs: Grameen has so successfully commandeered the poor’s savings that its total savings — now roughly equal to the entire amount that Grameen lends — is four times larger than the combined savings recorded for five major commercial banks in Bangladesh. Yet Grameen savings accounts typically pay its customers 8.5 per cent interest — less than half the interest these same borrowers must pay Grameen. In another bank fund-raising scheme, all borrowers must buy a share in the Grameen Bank whose dividend yields about half as much as Grameen charges borrowers.

To the distress of its customers, the bank discourages withdrawals from the savings accounts, browbeating would-be withdrawers into instead borrowing more to meet the need the savings would have met. At times, thousands of desperate placard-carrying Bangladeshis have demonstrated to pressure Grameen to either return their money or grant them interest rate relief.

Grameen has done best at attracting and keeping members in the country’s most underdeveloped areas — feudal enclaves whose only other lender is the village strongman. Once areas become developed, Grameen’s borrowers drop off in droves, preferring the commercial banks who charge less interest and attach fewer strings to their loans. Because the Grameen lustre has become tarnished, its pyramiding growth in membership — by 1993 it reached 375,000 people a year — dropped to under 200,000 in 1994 and a mere 50,000 in 1995 (the last year for which figures are available). This trend could soon see Grameen lose members and spiral into bankruptcy.

To shore up its collapsing membership, the Grameen Bank juggernaut has created a string of new companies financed by Grameen and offering products to the poor on credit: GrameenCyberNet (an Internet company), GrameenTelecom (predicted to bring cellular mobile phone service to 100 million rural inhabitants within four years), GrameenShakti (a power utility to bring electricity to unelectrified villages), plus GrameenTrust, GrameenCommunications, and a flood of other Grameen offshoots. If these incestuous ventures succeed, they could rescue the Grameen Bank; if they fail, the savings of Grameen Bank’s two million borrowers-savers-shareholders — and the worldwide microcredit-financed house of cards — could come crashing down with it.

Lawrence Solomon

Revenue Canada rejigs RRSPs, keeps the change

FEBRUARY IS A FRANTIC MONTH for financial planners and their RRSP clients, but not for many immigrants and new workers who — thanks to an unadvertised tax grab several years ago — can no longer contribute to a retirement savings account or claim an RRSP tax deduction in their first year of work.

The federal government cloaked this de facto tax hike on new entrants to the workforce in a 1991 tax reform package designed to equalize RRSP contributions between pensioned and non-pensioned workers. But buried in the package is a scheme that especially short-changes the young and immigrants by basing contribution limits on a taxpayer’s previous year’s income.

For example, an immigrant who starts working in Canada in January 1997 cannot make an RRSP contribution or claim any RRSP deduction since Revenue Canada bases his contribution limit on his non-existent 1996 income. This individual loses out by not being able to invest toward his retirement in 1997, giving Revenue Canada the cash that would have been his tax refund (for someone earning $30,000 and contributing the maximum $5,400, that would amount to $1,451). Anyone who starts working in the middle of the year has it even worse: A new worker who started his $30,000-a-year job in July 1997 cannot contribute to an RRSP in 1997, and in 1998 is limited to $2,700 (18 per cent of the $15,000 he earned in 1997). In essence, this taxpayer pays taxes for a year and a half without being eligible to put money into an RRSP, and Revenue Canada grabs an additional $753 in 1998 on top of 1997’s $1,451.

Gail Vaz-Oxlade, author of the RRSP Answer Book, warns that contribution limits based on the previous year’s income can also bamboozle the unwary taxpayer who takes a year off to raise a child or who is temporarily unemployed. For example, a woman earning $75,000 in 1996 and $30,000 in 1997 could contribute $13,500 to her RRSP in 1997, but Vaz-Oxlade suggests carrying this deduction forward until she returns to a higher tax bracket, to increase her tax refund by $3,359. “Nobody knows about these tactics, not even many financial consultants,” Vaz-Oxlade says, “and the government isn’t going to advertise them.” Parents who don’t earn any income, and don’t have any contribution room accumulated from when they were working, aren’t able to contribute to their RRSPs until they’ve been back on the job for a year.

For most taxpayers who will earn more in the current year than in the previous year, the government’s tax grab continues year after year as it nickels and dimes taxpayers by giving them a deduction based on the previous, generally lower, year’s earnings. The government’s tax grab then continues to the end of a taxpayer’s career. People who retired at the end of 1996 after earning $60,000 that year could contribute $10,800 to their RRSP in 1997, but because most retirees have less taxable income, their deduction is worth less in 1997 — $871 less if this retiree has 60 per cent of his working income. Still, the compound interest this investment accrues before the RRSP matures at age 69 is minuscule compared to that of an investment working from year one. Given an eight per cent return on investment, in 40 years $5,400 would have grown to $117,312 — money that, upon withdrawal from the RRSP, would benefit both the retiree and future governments who would be taxing this saved income.

 

Amy Buskirk

 


Responses to Revenue Canada rejigs RRSPs, keeps the change

Frank Gue, Taxpayers Coalition Halton Inc., Burlington, Ontario, responds: February 2, 1998

This item took me back. At the start of my working career in 1951, I began making deposits in the system then being run by the Department of Pensions and National Health, Pensions Brands.

This was a lost cause; it was earning, if I recall, 3 to 4 per cent.

I withdrew my money. I could recover only the principal, without interest. The amount was rather small, but I objected on principle to the minister, asking by what authority the accumulated interest had been withheld. He cited an order-in-council which he acknowledged had not been publicized. He said the government was entitled to recover its costs; I checked the government’s books, and found those costs to be in the order of 0.1 per cent.

This was an early lesson in a dreary parade of devious, hidden, behind the scenes manoeuvres to which I reluctantly became accustomed, and which illustrate the eternal truth of the old adage about plucking the goose while causing a minimum of hissing.

I soon and sadly discarded the naively charitable belief that this kind of thing is merely the operation of the law of unintended consequences. Such consequences are often so obvious and elaborately contrived that they could not possibly be unintended. The political and civil service woods are obviously well stocked with folk willing and able to draft legislation and regulations so opaque, convoluted, and incomprehensible that, even if publicized, they cannot possibly be understood, nor can their consequences be warded off; check the Income Tax Act. Between such folk and the order-in-council mechanism, what hope has a taxpaying citizen? Your issues are enormously stimulating. Keep up the good work.

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