Wind at our backs

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
October 8, 2004

In a pinch, Canada could meet 100% of its electricity needs with wind power, numerous studies indicate. A report released last week by the authoritative General Accounting Office in the United States shows just how attainable a 100% wind power society would be.

The United States, with a smaller land mass than Canada, already meets the needs of two million households through wind power and is adding to that total by putting the equivalent of about 500,000 additional homes on wind power each year. If those windmills were in Canada instead, we would be meeting the needs of about 2.5 million Canadian households through wind by the end of the year. That 2.5 million represents about one-fifth of Canada’s households.

Germany, with an area one-thirtieth that of Canada, blows even stronger, having built more than twice as much wind capacity as the United States. If Germany’s windmills were in Canada, we could now be meeting the needs of about five million households with wind power – more than 40% of all Canadian households. The land mass of just two and a half Germanies, in other words, would be enough to meet all of Canada’s household needs, using existing wind technologies.

Wind technologies haven’t been standing pat, however. Year after year for more than two decades now, this fabled but long-ignored technology has been getting more and more efficient, relentlessly driving down costs. In the 1980s, power from wind often cost US30 cents a kilowatt-hour. Today, says the U.S. Department of Energy, the cost is between US3 cents and US6 cents, allowing it to out-compete many conventional technologies on both sides of the border. In Alberta, for example, the cost of wind power being built by TransAlta is about 5 cents to 6 cents a kilowatt-hour, well below the 9 cents-plus the governments of Manitoba and Ontario may spend to bring power to market from Conawapa, a proposed new mega-dam on Manitoba’s Nelson River. Wind has long been cheaper than nuclear power and at today’s fossil fuel prices, wind power competes well against both oil and gas.

Even before the recent run-up in oil and gas prices, wind power was sweeping the world, with a five-fold increase in capacity since 1997. In the United States, wind power has been increasing at a 28%-per-year clip, far exceeding U.S. government expectations, and there’s no let-up in sight. As it is, 90% of U.S. wind power is generated in just 10 states, more than 50% in just three states. According to a U.S. Department of Energy study, three states alone – North Dakota, Texas and Kansas – could meet the entire energy needs of the United States.

Wind power, of course, currently meets an insignificant part of the power needs of most Western countries. The reason? For almost a century, wind power has suffered a great curse called Public Power. In the early decades of the 20th century, before governments landed hard on the electricity business, windmills were ubiquitous in many farming regions of Canada and the United States, generally to pump water. Because electricity could not be economically brought to rural areas from city power plants, entrepreneurs successfully adapted windmills to small-scale farm use. By the mid-1920s, such companies as Parris-Dunn and Jacobs Wind-electric were electrifying farms throughout the rural areas of the Midwestern prairies, first by providing lighting and charging batteries for crystal radio sets, then, as the technologies advanced, by powering refrigerators, freezers, washing machines, power tools and other appliances. The future seemed bright for windmills; they were the most economical source of power for much of rural North America.

Public Power then blew on to the scene, in the form of rural electrification programs that offered farmers power at deep discounts if they switched from windmill-generated electricity to power from a centralized grid, brought to rural areas at great expense. The windmill entrepreneurs, unable to compete against the government-mandated subsidies, were snuffed out, ending their innovations and replacing their renewable-energy technology with power from remote power utilities that typically relied on burning coal. Wind technology remained extinguished for decades, until the environmental movement resurrected it in the late 1970s. Now wind technology is roaring back, logging the fastest growth of any energy technology in the world.

Wind has many selling points, apart from its availability. It doesn’t pollute, it doesn’t run out. And unlike most of its competitors, its cost keeps falling. Yet despite these attractions, a crash program to switch us to wind would be a mistake. Other energy forms also have their attractions, and they, too, are plentiful. Canada’s tar sands have enough petroleum to run our power plants indefinitely. Our natural gas is also endless for all practical purposes, as are our uranium, our coal and our solar-energy resources. The availability of energy is not at issue, only the cost, cleanliness and safety of our energy choices.

In all these areas, governments have spoiled the electricity marketplace by subsidizing all energy forms – oil and gas, wind and solar, coal and nuclear. The subsidies have enabled dirty fuels, such as coal, to compete and dangerous ones, such as nuclear, to exempt themselves from legal liability. The subsidies have turned reality inside out, making the implausible seem normal and the normal seem impossible.

Without subsidies, windmills would be a commonplace that dotted our countryside and perhaps our cities, too, while nuclear power would be a rarity, mostly limited to the university and government research labs that could afford them. Without subsidies, we would consume less natural gas and oil, and be much more efficient in our use of power, using perhaps half as much as we do today to enjoy the same standard of living.

Without subsidies, we would have assured energy supplies. Instead, we subsidize energy and suffer periodic shortages. All because our politicians have no principles to guide them, and go whichever way the wind blows.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute and Consumer Policy Institute, divisions of Toronto-based Energy Probe Research Foundation. www.Urban-Renaissance.org



Readers’ respond

Tilting at windmills

Lawrence Solomon seems to think that we can install thousands of wind-turbines and get all the electricity that Canada requires from them. It’s a nice dream, but dream it is.

In Britain the aim is to achieve 20% of their requirements from wind power. They are beginning to realize that they can’t even approach 20%. Even that windy environmentalist, the Prince of Wales, is crying enough already. The Brits have had enough of those ugly things cluttering up their countryside and killing songbirds. The Germans are also saying they want no more.

It doesn’t matter how inexpensive wind power gets – it will never approach the cost of conventional methods of generation.

The wind is fickle and cannot be controlled by mere man. When the wind doesn’t blow, or blows too hard, we get no power. If the breeze is light we get very little power. For every watt of wind power there must be an equal amount of conventional power available. So we must install conventional backup power. If we are to avoid blackouts this backup power must be what is known as spinning power. In other words, the backup generators must be running consuming energy ready to switch in instantly.

Jim Brennand, Regina, October 18, 2004


Re: Lawrence Solomon, “Wind at Our Backs,” Oct. 8. Mr. Solomon states “In a pinch, Canada could meet 100% of its electricity needs with wind power, numerous studies indicate.”

“The pinch” would be after closure of about 80% of all major heavy industry (auto, aircraft, mining, smelting, sawmills, pulp and paper, shipbuilding, refining, manufacturing etc.), with the accompanying loss of jobs. It would also require draconian government interference rationing us all to no more than a couple of 100 watt light bulbs for light, and outlawing electrical heating, and most electronic toys and electrical tools for home use. The same government would also have to change a few natural items, like banning some of the winter weather that we in Canada are exposed to each year, and put a hold on the cold winter months.

Those industries that managed to plug along would have their “hours of work” tied to those days and times when the wind was blowing steadily, with work disruptions at unpredictable hours, and with numerous days and weeks when sometimes there would be no work at all. Welcome back to the Dirty Thirties.

There are some uses where wind power has real value (pumping water, charging batteries, and maybe even electrolyzing water (eventually) to produce hydrogen, but putting electricity onto the grid is not one of them unless you have no other choices.

Yes, wind-power is the fastest growing source of electricity. When you start from close to zero, any addition is a massive percentage. However, in terms of megawatts added each year, it cannot even keep up with the required annual growth in electrical demand in most advancing countries.

Other environmentalists decry windmills’ blight on the landscape. The major rare bird kills (which is why windmills are also called the “cuisinarts” of the bird world), and now, as revealed in Texas, stupendous killers of bats. They are also great lightning rods.

Contrary to Mr. Solomon’s selective view of history, the prairie farmers welcomed the electrical grid as an assured and affordable source of electricity, and were mostly glad to let their rattling windmills rust out if they did not need them to pump water. No-one had to twist their arms.

John K. Sutherland, energy consultant, Fredericton, October 18, 2004

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Thank immigrants for real estate gains

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
September 25, 2004

If Canada’s politicians want to protect the homes and property of Canadian citizens, Job No. 1 is opening Canada’s doors to immigrants.

Population growth is by far the largest driver of real estate appreciation – several times as important as interest rates and other economic fundamentals, reports the IMF in a release this week. Yet most Western countries, Canada included, have birth rates too low to sustain their existing population, and depend on immigration to prevent population decline. Without past immigration, our properties – typically our most important assets – would today be worth much less. With more open immigration, our properties would appreciate faster still.

The IMF’s findings, contained in its forthcoming World Economic Outlook, analyzed prices in an 18-country study covering more than three decades. It found that for every 0.25% increase in population growth, house prices appreciate by 1%. For Canada, which increases its population through one of the world’s highest immigration targets– the government aims to bring in about 300,000 immigrants a year, or 1% of our population – immigration alone could represent a hefty 4% appreciation in the value of our homes.

If the government were to aim higher and bring in 600,000 immigrants a year, our real estate values could be up by 8% a year due to immigration. Other factors that boost real estate – growing affluence and growth in credit – could appreciate our property further.

The benefits to Canadians’ property values from immigration are not felt evenly across the country, however. Most immigrants to Canada– about 75% of them – settle in just three cities, Montreal, Toronto, and Vancouver, giving homeowners there a real estate windfall.

Not so in many smaller cities, which have trouble attracting fresh blood and are in danger of stagnating. And not so in most small towns and rural areas, which don’t just stagnate – with their young leaving for larger centres, their old no longer reproducing, and outsiders no longer coming in, farmers often can’t find the help they need, communities are often in severe decline, and properties are often entirely unmarketable.

The federal immigration target is based on bureaucratic estimates of how many immigrants Canada can comfortably integrate into our economy. This target, because it is an average that in practice applies nowhere in Canada, is irrelevant. Some cities easily exceed the 1% target – the Toronto metropolitan area receives twice the national target – while most cities receive a small fraction of Canada’s immigrants and most towns and rural areas none at all. To add to the target’s irrelevancy, the cities that exceed the immigrant targets thrive while many that fall short suffer.

The government tells us that immigrants to Canada favour our cities because cities have more jobs, cities have more services, and cities have other immigrants to whom newcomers can relate. All this is true, but this explanation ignores the overriding reason immigrants to Canada avoid rural regions: Our government through its immigration point system discriminates in favour of affluent, well-educated immigrants who would tend to settle in urban areas.

The point system effectively bans rural workers – poor, uneducated farmers from Africa and Asia, for example – from entry to Canada. If Ottawa didn’t exclude those who would naturally seek out farm employment, Canada’s rural areas could be bolstered with immigrant workers for farmers who have seen their children leave, and can’t find affordable help.

Those poor, uneducated immigrant farm hands would soon acquire their own patch of land, build their own homes and become the next generation of farm owners, just as past generations of farmers helped build this country. In the process of looking after themselves, rural immigrants would benefit their neighbours by creating a market for rural land – raising rural land values just as urban immigrants raise urban land values.

By opening the door to immigrants of all occupational backgrounds, low skilled and high skilled alike, the federal government would be doing more than providing a boost to property values coast to coast. It would also be providing us with an insurance policy.

The IMF, in its recent report, found that some 40% of house-price movements stem from global factors, such as interest rates and changes in stock market values. If real estate is now overpriced, as the IMF warns, and a global correction takes place, Canada’s real estate, and the Canadian economy, would take a hit.

The hit would be cushioned, however, and perhaps entirely negated, if the government allowed more open immigration to protect our home and property.

BACKGROUND SOURCES


A reader responds

Poor, uneducated immigrants can’t take on our farms

October 1, 2004

Re: Lawrence Solomon, “Thank immigrants for real estate gains,” Sept. 25. Mr. Solomon’s notion of allowing poor, uneducated farmers from Africa and Asia to immigrate to Canada in order to work on farms is a clear example of how little he understands the farming industry.

Modern farming requires both education and access to financial resources in order to maintain the operation, the two criteria Solomon is willing to waive. The small family farm has in many cases ceased to be a viable economic unit, hence the exodus of the sons and daughters from these farms. It hardly seems possible, then, that they could now support an immigrant family, as Solomon suggests.

In my part of eastern Ontario, hundred-acre farms and buildings typically sell for $300,000 plus. Dairy farms, if you can find them, can fetch a million and more. It would be interesting to know Solomon’s economic plan for a immigrant who would be working for minimum wage, and then magically they would, in Solomon’s words, “soon acquire their own patch of land.”

In the future Solomon might consider doing a little research before committing ideas to print.

Jeff Spooner, Kinburn, Ont.

Related articles and speeches:
Thank immigrants for real estate gains

The key to rural immigration in New Brunswick
Remitter revolution
Elitist immigration policy bars poor, unskilled workers
New immigrants enrich Canadian cities
Adding immigrants will improve the environment
Mongrel nations
The next great power
Give us your healthy, your wealthy, your wise

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How immigrants improve our economy and environment

Lawrence Solomon

September 25, 2004

A Workshop at the 17th Annual Conference of the Association of Treasurers of Religious Institutes

“Hope In an Unfinished World”

Courtyard Marriott–Downtown Toronto

September 25, 2004

I’m delighted to be here today. Some of you will know the foundation I work for, Energy Probe Research Foundation, and particularly its international division, Probe International. Several Religious Institutes have very generously supported our foundation’s work over the last 25 years.

You’ve supported our work to protect the public from the dangers of radioactivity, which especially affect the very old and the very young, including the unborn. You’ve supported our work to protect people in the Third World from being flooded off their land by large hydro dams. You’ve supported our research showing that there is no problem of overpopulation, that the world has resources enough for all of us, and for future generations, too, if we only use our resources intelligently.

Today, the subject is immigration but in some ways the subject is no different from some of the ones I have just mentioned. It is still about denying rights to those most vulnerable in our society, rights that others enjoy. It is still about the fear that we have a shortage of natural resources, and a surplus of humans, and that the only way to protect resources from humans is to limit the number of humans.

We’re here to discuss how immigrants improve the environment and the economy. I will often discuss these together, because the environment and the economy work hand in hand.

I’d like to start by discussing how immigrants affect the environment, and the environmental arguments against immigration. It helps, in understanding some of these arguments, to keep in mind that many environmentalists view humans as somehow apart from the environment, or as having no special status on this earth. They see humans as just another animal, to be managed for their own good. In some countries, for example, western environmental organizations work with the World Bank and the national government to establish conservation reserves that will protect an ecosystem from undue exploitation. The plans sometimes involve forcibly relocating the region’s indigenous tribes, in order to protect the local flora and fauna. These environmentalists reason that the rights of humans shouldn’t trump the rights of animals, and that the tribes will be better off elsewhere, but not the animals. If you view humans as not being special, as just another animal, and an inherently rapacious animal at that, it is easy to think this way.

One of the chief environmental arguments against increased immigration to Canada is that immigration will lead to the loss of our wilderness. This is a plausible sounding argument. The more that people will come here, the more land will be taken up by housing developments, the more pressure there will be to expand our settlements further and further out, the more pressure there will be to exploit our forests, minerals and other natural resources.

This sounds plausible but it flies in the face of reality. Almost all immigrants to Canada settle in cities, and predominantly to just three cities. Almost half of immigrants settle in the Toronto area, and another 25% settle in Montreal and Vancouver. In smaller numbers, they go to Edmonton, Calgary and Winnipeg.

Immigrants settle in cities because the cities have jobs, the cities have services, and the cities have other immigrants with whom they can relate. Cities are highly efficient – the most resource efficient type of settlement. People consume less fuel per capita in cities than in either suburbs or rural areas, for example, because distances are relatively short. People can walk to neighbourhood shops, children don’t need to be bussed, public transit is available. City industries are also resource efficient. People make their living by providing services, high-tech as well as low-tech services, not by clear-cutting forests or open-pit mining.

The more people settle in cities, the greater the service economy becomes, the fewer raw resources we need per capita to earn our living. Cities have become so efficient, in fact, that most of the rural resource industries have become redundant, and uneconomic. We chop down most of British Columbia’s coastal forests at a loss, for example. We keep chopping it down only to keep forest industries alive, so that forest towns don’t become ghost towns.

Immigrants don’t cause the exploitation of our wilderness. The wilderness would be exploited at the same rate, with or without immigrants, because they are exploited for political reasons, not for economic reasons. Immigrants act mainly to make our cities work better. One reason is that the larger the urban population, the better that public transit works, the more efficient that all urban infrastructure can be used – our water works, our garbage collection, our street cleaning, our fire stations – they’re all more economical and less resource intensive when they service compact, well populated cities.

One of the great myths in our society, one that became especially prominent in the last few decades, is that people prefer to live in the suburbs, in low-density surroundings. This is why we have sprawl, the myth says. I am now finishing a book on sprawl – it is a short history of sprawl in the Toronto area – and I can report to you that people have never favoured sprawling settlements in the Toronto region. We have sprawling settlements because government policies act to disperse the population, not because most people would rather spread out in low-density communities.

I began my research by looking at Toronto’s earliest settlers – the Iroquois who moved here some 1000 years. They lived in dense semi-permanent settlements, in villages of about 2.5 acres in size, populated with about 300 people each. The density of those communities of old far exceeded that of any of today’s North American communities, including Manhattan, the densest urban area in the U.S., and Toronto’s Annex, one of Canada’s densest community.

As Indians became better organized politically, villages increased in size. Many of them doubled, to five acres, and some reached 15 acres, with a population of 2000 people or more. Although they spanned a larger geographic area, however, the population density of these communities, if anything, increased.

When the white man came to North America, the first communities were also dense, and as they evolved, they remained dense. Manhattan became the densest city on the continent, with more than 100,000 per square mile at the turn of the last century. Toronto was also dense, with about 20,000 people per square mile. Manhattan is still dense today, although not half as dense, at about 40,000 or 45,000 per square mile. Toronto, without its newly amalgamated suburbs, remains close to its historic density of about 20,000 people per square mile. In both cities, some of the densest neighbourhoods – Greenwich Village in New York, the Annex in Toronto – are also among the most desirable to live in.

Manhattan and Toronto are great vibrant, immigrant cities that remain dense despite efforts by government to disperse the population. Garden suburbs were once fashionable in government circles, for example, so governments tried to promote them by clearing slums from the downtowns of cities, and relocating people on the outskirts. Parts of Toronto were decimated this way, including highly populated areas just a few blocks south of this hotel, as well as areas of what we call Cabbagetown. The dense old areas of Cabbagetown have become gentrified and are now one of the city’s most ch-chi neighbourhoods. The part that the government cleared, in order to build idyllic lower density housing, has become a true city slum, crime-ridden and undesirable to live in.

This has been the great, untold story. People organize themselves in very tight, dense communities, when left to themselves. While people also enjoy getting out of the city, to campgrounds, to their cottages and to other retreats, most people have no tendency to sprawl. If they can afford it, they prefer compact, elegant surroundings. Just a few blocks north of us is Yorkville, one of Toronto’s toniest districts. The Governor General has her private home there, as do many others that we consider the rich and famous. Yorkville is a very dense neighbourhood – small lots, homes built tight next to each other, lots of commercial establishments.

There is nothing to the belief that people, left to themselves, will build ever more sprawling communities, to the environment’s detriment. Left to themselves, without government interceding, such as to keep unviable remote communities alive, or to subsidize the development of suburbs, most people will naturally gravitate to cities, to be among one another. With more countries becoming free around the world, and with our own governments interfering less today in people’s settlement decisions, we are seeing a worldwide movement of people to cities, not just to cities in the Third World but to cities in the western countries. The immigrants who are coming to Canada are part of this historic movement, and we should be grateful that they are coming. They are helping to make our cities function better both economically and environmentally.

Some worry that too many immigrants are coming to Canada’s cities, that the result will be slums and crime and an unmanageable morass. But there is no plausible scenario in which we will receive more immigrants than our cities can comfortably integrate. To give you an extreme example, if the Toronto area became as dense as Manhattan today, Toronto alone could accommodate a population much greater than that of all of Canada’s.

Before opening up this gathering to a discussion, I’d like to mention one other environmental argument against immigrants. It is a population explosion argument, a moral argument of sorts. People in the Third World breed too much, this argument goes. This breeding is unsustainable, leading to poverty and hunger and the migration of humans from the Third World to the West. If we accept these migrants, we not only invite similar problems here but – and this is where the morality comes in – we act as a pressure valve for Third World governments. Much better to keep the immigrants out and force the Third World governments to take the population control measures needed to keep their people in check.

The problem with this argument, of course, is that people don’t leave their homelands because of population pressures. They leave because of repressive governments at home, or better economic opportunities abroad. When then Irish came to the cities of North America, they were leaving a low-population country. Africa has a relatively low population density. African migrants moving to Western countries often find themselves in a higher population-density society.

There are problems with many, many other arguments, too, that people make, to justify keeping immigrants out. Let’s now discuss these other arguments, as well as the ones I’ve just raised, all together, in our workshop.

Related articles and speeches:
Thank immigrants for real estate gains
The key to rural immigration in New Brunswick
Remitter revolution
Elitist immigration policy bars poor, unskilled workers
New immigrants enrich Canadian cities
Adding immigrants will improve the environment
Mongrel nations
The next great power
Give us your healthy, your wealthy, your wise

Posted in Immigration | Leave a comment

Chapter II: Three current policy issues

Marco Terrones ( with assistance from Christopher Otrok and Nathalie Carcenac)
IMF World Economic Outlook (WEO)
September 22/2004
This essay studies house price fluctuations in industrial countries, paying particular attention to the current house price boom.Click here to view PDF

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Beggars’ summit

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
September 18, 2004

Canada’s cities must “work together to make sure we all have the tools and resources we need to thrive,” an inspired Toronto Mayor David Miller said earlier this week, in anticipation of this weekend’s City Summit of mayors in Toronto. Uninspiringly, the resources the cities crave are more tax revenues; the tools they wave a tin cup and a begging bowl.

This latest summit is only the second one to be held among Canada’s so-called “hub cities” – 10 cities that are economic hubs of their regions. The first summit, held in January of this year and also in Toronto, proclaimed that cities are the engines of the economy. A joint communique then begged senior levels of government for more taxing power, more regulatory power, more federal and provincial subsidy programs, and a share of the federal and provincial gas taxes to rescue city economies.

The Hub-10 cities grew from the C5 – Canada’s Big Five Cities – “to address the looming crisis of urban Canada.” The C5’s first meeting in Winnipeg in 2001 won plaudits for waking Canadians up to the realization that our big cities – Montreal, Toronto, Winnipeg, Calgary and Vancouver – were economic basket cases suffering from inadequate taxing power. The plaudits were drowned out by the protests of smaller cities that feared their own cries for more grants would be drowned out. The C5 became the Hub 10.

The cities do have some legitimate points. The property tax that they rely on is unfair – not just outdated, as the mayors state, but positively harmful because the tax falls most on intensively used land, discouraging compact developments, and least on marginal lands, encouraging sprawl. The mayors also are right to demand more freedom in their operations, such as the right to earn a profit from services that they run, as private sector businesses do.

But the mayors don’t put the powers that they already have to intelligent use – just the opposite. In the case of the property tax, for example, they magnify the perversity of disproportionately taxing compact developments by heaping surtaxes on apartment buildings, office towers and other high-value uses. These intensive uses, in fact, require less water main, road surface, power line, and other infrastructure per occupant, making them generally much cheaper to service. In the case of municipally owned businesses such as public transit and garbage collection, the mayors already have the right to run on a break-even basis. Yet they prefer to see huge operating losses rather than run disciplined operations.

Canada’s Hub-10 cities point to U.S. cities as exemplars because U.S. cities, which have more autonomy than Canadian cities, receive more federal funding, have more taxing options, and rely less on property taxes. What the Hub-10 don’t tell us is that federal funding of municipalities is trivial in both the U.S. and Canada (3.3% versus 1.3%) while U.S. states provide muncipalities much less funding than do Canadian provinces (4.5% versus 17.3% ). What the Hub-10 especially don’t want us to know is the real source of autonomy in U.S. cities: user fees. U.S. muncipalities meet fully one-third of their budgets from user fees; Canadian muncipalities just one-fifth.

For the real urban exemplar, however, look not to the U.S. but to the U.K., where privatizations in electric power and other sectors generated windfalls for governments and lower rates for residents. In the U.K., most public transit routes now run on a for-profit basis, competing well against the automobile and thriving as modern, consumer-oriented businesses. Most of all, look to London and its courageous hard-left Mayor Ken Livingstone, who charges cars and trucks for the use of downtown roads. Soon London vehicles will be paying for the use of all city streets, as will vehicles in other large U.K. cities. Some 100 cities around the world, in fact, are now planning to introduce road tolls – Stockholm city council voted to start tolling in spring of 2005 – thanks to Livingstone’s leadership. None of those 100 cities are in Canada.

In truth, while our cities do have some legitimate gripes, they can easily acquire the wherewithal to look after themselves – they need only charge residents for the services they consume. Our city mayors don’t lack fiscal tools so much as they lack the courage to use the tools they have. Those who won’t help themselves have no moral claim to more money from the government purse.

At the last Hub-10 meeting, Toronto Mayor David Miller stated: “I don’t think it’s an exaggeration to say that the absence of adequate investment in our cities – in everything from public transit, to affordable housing, to child care, to infrastructure – is reaching a crisis point. Speaking as Toronto’s mayor, I will tell you that our city government does not currently have the capacity to avert the crisis.”

You can tell that to the other Hub-10 mayors, Mr. Miller, and to others in municipal backwaters. Just don’t tell it on the other side of the pond, or to mayors with convictions around the world who know nonsense when they hear it.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute and Consumer Policy Institute, divisions of Energy Probe Research Foundation.

Posted in City states, Municipal | Leave a comment