Americans love their car . . . insurance

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
October 8, 2003

U.S. auto insurance is not only fairer, it’s cheaper, thanks to free enterprise. Politicians and other advocates of state control should keep that in mind.

Throughout North America, advocates call for auto insurance reforms. In Canada, the advocates are mostly provincial politicians fearful of being turfed out of office and the Consumers Association of Canada. They tend to seek lower insurance premiums by limiting choice in insurance providers or curtailing claims paid to consumers.

In the United States, the advocates include everyone from consumer and safety organizations to environmental groups and members of the insurance industry itself. They tend to seek lower premiums by increasing the types of insurance on offer and increasing competition.

Which approach best serves consumers? The U.S. system wins hands down. While Canadians are up in arms over our automobile insurance policies, Americans love theirs: 86% of Americans, a RoperASW survey reports, are very or fairly satisfied with their auto policies.

In the United States, according to the most recent statistics, Americans actually spent, on average, US$718 for auto insurance, while the cost of comprehensive insurance coverage that includes both liability and collision comes to US$817. In Canada, consumers pay far more for their auto insurance, if a recent study by the Consumers Association of Canada is to be believed. This despite the high court awards that U.S. juries hand out and the high wages that Americans earn, both big factors in establishing rates. To take one well-publicized example, the CAC study found that the average premium paid in Ontario was $2,450. Across the border in New York State, one of the very priciest in the United States, the average premium came to US$1,161, according to official U.S. sources. In rural Saskatchewan, where the provincially-owned insurer contributes no taxes to society and accident victims are woefully short-changed, the CAC discovered that premiums nevertheless average $800; across the border, where insurance company taxes provide millions to state coffers and accident victims receive full compensation, auto premiums cost little if anything more.

Comparisons among the many U.S. and the Canadian systems are rough because they reflect dozens of different state and provincial regulatory systems, different driving conditions, different methods of estimating rates, and, importantly, different philosophies. In the name of egalitarianism, for example, Canadian jurisdictions work hard at keeping dangerous drivers on the road. The government-mandated Facility Association operates in six provinces and three territories to provide a generous insurance pool – paid by inflating the rates of good drivers – for the sole purpose of providing insurance to drivers so reckless or incompetent that no private insurer would touch them. In August, Newfoundland announced reforms that include a 65% reduction in rates for young, single males, and a 43% reduction for 70-year-olds – both high-risk groups.

In many U.S. states, the regulatory system more often puts public safety first. In August, New York State increased rates by a whopping 19.7% – but only for the high-risk drivers that had been responsible for raising the rates of everyone. In Florida, insurance companies noticed several years ago that seniors become much greater risks after they turn 70, and began to raise rates accordingly. Earlier this year, an Insurance Institute for Highway Safety report found that those 85 and over have an almost identical rate of property-damage claims as drivers in the 16- to 19-year-old group, leading insurers across the country to begin to raise rates on this risky population.

“The statistics show that much-older drivers have accident rates that rival teenagers. So we have to charge a premium for the risk we are assuming,” said Robert Hartwig, chief economist for the Insurance Information Institute, a nonprofit research group for the insurance industry. Moreover, the trend to higher elder-rates will continue, U.S. researchers say, because the number of elderly people behind the wheel continues to grow. The state of Florida reported more than 200,000 drivers age 85 and older in 1999, a 48% increase over the number four years earlier.

The United States has also kept rates low by largely shunning “no-fault” insurance, an approach that many insurers lobby for in the belief it would raise their profits. In “no-fault” states, good drivers are forced to pay for the mistakes of bad drivers, allowing bad drivers to keep driving, or to drive more than they otherwise would. Statistics from the National Association of Insurance Commissioners show that “no-fault” states have the highest average car insurance premiums and that premiums in “no-fault” states rise nearly 25% faster than states with traditional car insurance. In the more accountable, low-cost states, high premiums force risky drivers to think twice about whether they belong behind the wheel of a car.

Safety aside, U.S. jurisdictions tend to provide better value for money because they better promote competition. The onerous regulations in the District of Columbia, historically one of America’s most expensive insurance jurisdictions, drove insurance companies away until the mid-1990s. Then the government introduced measures to promote competition. Insurers came back, choices in types of coverage increased and premiums dropped. Deregulation in the United States is also allowing new insurance products to take hold, such as the pay-per-mile approach favoured by many environmental groups. Car drivers insured under this scheme have an incentive to drive less and take public transit more: They are rewarded with insurance bills that are typically lower by about 25%.

While rates soar in Canada, they remain stable in the United States – up just 4.6% in 2001, the last year for which national figures are available, despite U.S. jury awards in recent years that are up 73% on average in auto liability cases.

Although the U.S. system promotes safety and accountability, and while competition there provides better value for money, almost no one in Canada argues for anything other than more state ownership or more state control. The Consumers Association of Canada – a misleadingly named organization that receives virtually no funding from the individual Canadian consumers that it claims to represent – rejects competition in favour of government ownership. Canada’s provincial premiers – four provinces already run government-owned systems – are little different: Most are committed to rate freezes or other measures that could force private insurers to leave. Even conservative Ralph Klein of Alberta plans to cut back auto insurance premiums while also capping insurance company profits. The local opposition cheers him on: “We’re strong supporters of free enterprise, but there’s times you have to intervene,” says Social Credit Leader Lavern Ahlstrom. “Insurance would be one of them.” The Insurance Bureau of Canada, in response, warns that its members may leave the province. Should they leave, competition would then weaken and rates would rise.

Public auto insurance, or an overly regulated private industry, makes for a great, short-term insurance policy for unprincipled politicians. The rest of us should steer clear of it.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute. www.urban.probeinternational.org, E-mail: LawrenceSolomon@nextcity.com.
He is also executive director of Consumer Policy Institute. www.c-p-i.org/cpi/index.html.

Related articles:
Killing the industry that saves lives
Kangaroo court
Private insurance saves lives

Posted in Automobile | Leave a comment

The Impact of International Migration and Remittances on Poverty

Richard H. Adams, Jr., and John Page
World Bank
October 1/2003
Remittances – money and goods – that migrants from developing countries send home can reduce poverty in labor-sending countries.
Posted in Immigration | Leave a comment

I am. A composter

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
October 1, 2003

Do you like to compost? Ride public transit? Garden without chemicals? If so, you are deserving of becoming a Canadian, says Citizenship and Immigration Canada, the federal department that decides who’s worthy and who’s not. If you’re not into organic gardening, it makes clear, you don’t meet a basic test of Canadian citizenship.
“As a new Canadian, I promise
to compost all yard and
kitchen waste . . .”

For immigrants to become citizens, they must pass a test that displays their knowledge of the meaning of being Canadian. To help them pass, the government provides a Coles Notes of citizenship, a 45-page booklet entitled A Look at Canada that provides all they need know. “The questions in the citizenship test are based on information provided in this booklet,” it matter-of-factly admits.

What is at Canada’s essential core that our government imparts to newcomers, to awe and inspire them as they take the momentous step of adopting a new land as their own? To the bewilderment of would-be citizens, the booklet explains that Canada is about composting, recycling, planting trees and being environmentally friendly – these four concepts are singled out for memorization in the first chapter’s “Key words” section. The text of the first chapter, which is called “Protecting the Environment – Sustainable Development,” then elaborates on what people need to study in order to become citizens. “All citizens should act in a responsible manner toward the environment so that our children have the opportunity to live in a country that is clean and prosperous,” it states.

The government does its part, too, by fostering a “carefully managed” economy, the booklet explains to our immigrants, many of whom fled controlled economies for the democracy and economic freedom we offer. “The Canadian government is committed to the goal of sustainable development, which means economic growth that is environmentally sound.”

Nothing in this guide to Canadian citizenship celebrates Canada’s history as a British colony, or our role as a Commonwealth country, or our heroism in the First and Second World War – defining attributes of our nationhood. John Cabot, who discovered Canada on behalf of the British Crown, is described only as an Italian explorer. The role of Great Britain and the English, in fact, is trivialized throughout. A Look at Canada explains that the French “were the first Europeans to settle permanently in Canada. Over time, they were joined by settlers from the British Isles and Germany.” The United Empire Loyalists? “They had various ethnic backgrounds, including English, Irish, Scottish, German, Swiss, Dutch, Italian, Jewish and African-American.”

What does the guide stress? Aboriginals, First Nations and the Inuit, followed by farmers, loggers and miners. It persists in the stereotype of Canada as a nation of resource workers, although upwards of 90% of the population depends on the urban economy for its livelihood and the resource economy has all but vanished – resource industries now account for about 6% of Canada’s GDP and almost none of its wealth.

If misleading soon-to-be-Canadians about the nature of the Canadian economy weren’t bad enough, the guide also confuses them as to their rights and responsibilities. Canadians have the right to vote; we do not have the responsibility to vote, as the guide claims. Unlike the totalitarian countries that require citizens to vote, in our democracy we are allowed to boycott an election by not showing up, or to spoil our ballot if we do. Similarly, it is not a responsibility of citizenship to “volunteer to work on an election campaign” or “care for and protect our heritage and environment.”

Worst of all, perhaps, the guide misunderstands the difference between one’s humanity and one’s citizenship. Immigrants do not need a lesson from our federal government about the need to “help your neighbours” or “work with others to solve problems in your community.” Immigrants do these things, as do we all, not because we wish to be good citizens of Canada but because we wish to be good citizens of the world. Our federal government’s arrogance in assuming that it has something to teach us about our responsibility toward one another as human beings is breathtaking.

A Look at Canada is part conceit, part deceit, part distortion. Few Canadians would recognize the country the booklet describes or subscribe to its pap. Through its politically correct portrayal of Canada, it demeans all Canadians by stripping us of our history, our culture, our distinctiveness and our values. Through the charade that it requires of those who would become citizens of our country, it denies the ennobling experience that should be the act of joining Canada.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Toronto-based Urban Renaissance Institute. www.urban.probeinternational.org, E-mail: LawrenceSolomon@nextcity.com.


How to become a Canadian citizen

Achieving sustainable development is a long-term goal. Reaching it will require many changes in the way people act. Individuals can do many things in their daily lives to help protect the development and move toward sustainable development. Here are some examples:

  • Throw waste paper or other garbage in designated public garbage containers.
  • Compost, recycle, and re-use as many products as possible, such as paper, glass and cans.
  • Conserve energy and water by turning off lights and taps when they are not being used.
  • Walk, join a car pool, or use a bicycle or public transit whenever possible.
  • Use products that are environmentally friendly.
  • Plant trees and grow a garden. Avoid using chemicals.
  • Get involved with a local group to protect our natural and cultural heritage.Good environmental citizenship means making sure that groups and individuals have the information they need and understand how to use it to take responsible environmental action.

    Excerpted from A Look At Canada, published by Citizenship and Immigration Canada.

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Options for Ontario’s free-market Tories

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
September 17, 2003

Ontario’s Tories are disillusioned. The party of Mike Harris has become, under Harris’s successor, Ernie Eves, a party of Big Government. Many plan to sit out Ontario’s election Oct. 2.

Free-market Tories are right to be revulsed by Eves. He has turned on the spending taps and turned his back on tax cuts. He has trashed an open market in electricity and, if returned to power, promises to trash the auto insurance industry.

The Tories now realize their error 18-months ago in choosing Eves as leader over his principled free-market runner up, Jim Flaherty. Market-oriented Tories can’t replay their 2002 leadership contest but they do have somewhere to turn in the current election. They can give themselves a leader that can do them proud next time by voting out the present Tory government. A vote for the Liberal McGuinty is a vote for the Tory Flaherty.
(Tory) Flaherty

Until the mid-1980s, the Ontario Liberals under leaders such as farmer Bob Nixon were an irrelevant party, out of power for more than four decades and largely confined to a rump rural base. Then the Liberals turned urban, first with Hamilton psychiatrist Stuart Smith and then with London lawyer David Peterson. Political power soon followed, particularly after the Tories replaced retiring premier Bill Davis, a suburbanite with great appeal to urban voters, with his opposite, ruralite Frank Miller.

Today the Tories act as if they’re vying for Bob Nixon’s old rural rump. They sloganeer against immigrants and for capital punishment, ensuring the distaste of urban voters, and promise protection for uncompetitive resource industries to woo a rural base. Under the Tory’s worst plausible scenario, they will retain a rural rump; in their best plausible scenario, they will eke out a victory through some combination of rural and suburban ridings.

Free market Tories should fear Eves’s best scenario. An Eves victory will prove to party hacks that political polls trump political principles, and that the party should stand for expediency, not free markets. But free-market Tories should also welcome a decisive Eves defeat. Soon after being ousted as premier he will be ousted as party leader, with Flaherty the likely successor.

Flaherty, for those who don’t recall, emerged as Ontario’s most prominent privatizer, free marketer and tax cutter two years ago. That made him anathema in some NDP strongholds and resource ridings but respected in Ontario’s populous Golden Horseshoe, which depends on free trade and commerce for its prosperity. Flaherty’s approach to social issues – he combined law and order with middle-of-the-road same-sex and abortion policies – also found favour with Ontario’s urban majority. In hindsight, he was the dream Tory leader, yet spurned by a feckless party that feared he wouldn’t satisfy the electorate’s desire for change. As polls now show, the party got it backwards, and it is Eves who makes the electorate yearn for change.

Should the Liberals under McGuinty come to power, he will soon find his platform impossible to implement successfully. In energy, he has pinned his hopes on nuclear power and on ethanol, fuels too costly to produce in large quantities. Look for shortages and higher prices. In housing, he will tighten rent controls, encouraging developers to do business elsewhere. Look for shortages and disrepair. And in water, where scores of publicly run water and wastewater systems in Ontario routinely fail to comply with safety standards, he expects local municipalities that operate without private sector discipline, expertise or liability to somehow develop the wherewithal to protect the environment and the public from future Walkerton-type scandals. Look for no shortage of scandals but rising costs, with money inefficiently spent on ineffectual solutions.
(Dalton) McGuinty

In all cases, the environment and the economy are likely to suffer, making McGuinty vulnerable to opposition pressure. If the opposition comes from the Flaherty Tories, the Ontario Liberals will lurch toward free market solutions, much as the federal Reform Party forced the Liberals to move rightward in the 1990s. And that will give Ontario’s free-market Tories policies they want under McGuinty that they could never have had under Eves.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute, a division of Energy Probe Research Foundation. http://www.Urban-Renaissance.com, E-mail: LawrenceSolomon@nextcity.com.

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Building the 21st century economy

Paul Martin

September 15, 2003

Delivered to the Board of Trade of Metropolitan Montreal – Montreal, Quebec

“I’d like to take this opportunity to speak especially about the new economy – the parts of our economy that are based on the potential of transformative technologies which are going to be the real economic engines of the years to come.”

 

Mayors, Chairs of the Board and Junior Board of Trade, distinguished head-table guests, ladies and gentlemen. I’d like to start by thanking my old friend Benoît Labonté for his introduction and for sharing with us the challenges that we face as a nation.

I would also like to thank the Board of Trade of Metropolitan Montreal for inviting me to come speak with you. At a time when the great economic issues of the day demand attention as rarely before, the fact that the Junior Board was also part of this invitation symbolizes, for me, the unity of thought and action that will be critical if we are to succeed in any of the great ambitions we have for Canada.

I was asked to speak, today, about the economy. And, of course, I accepted with pleasure. But, if you’ll allow me, I’d like to take this opportunity to speak especially about the new economy – the parts of our economy that are based on the potential of transformative technologies which are going to be the real economic engines of the years to come.

I would like focus on that for two reasons. First, because I’m here, at home, in Montreal: a city of great universities, hospitals and research institutes. A city that is increasingly building a high tech future. A city that is at the cutting edge in life sciences, multimedia, and aerospace.

And secondly, because the recent, troubling decision by Shire Pharmaceuticals to close its Montreal laboratory reminds us that in a world without borders, we can’t take anything for granted.

We live, today, in a period of new and deeply divergent economic trends. We are witnessing, on the one hand, the spectacular rise of China and, on the other, the stagnation of many major industrialized economies. This is an uncertain time for some countries, but it is a time of enormous potential for Canada.

I believe that we will fulfill this potential, if we meet three conditions.

First, it is absolutely essential that we lower our national debt load, in order to keep our interest rates low, continue to lower taxes, and keep the flexibility we need to respond to an unpredictable international economy. In concrete terms, that means continuing to cut the debt-to-GDP ratio from 71 per cent, where it was in 1997, past 40 per cent, where it is today, back towards the 25 per cent level that Canada had in the late 1960s.

Governments must never forget the lessons of prudent fiscal management. That means always keeping a firm grip on spending – especially in the uncertain times now facing the global economy. It means a commitment to an ongoing program review. It means focusing on results, on outcomes, on improving programs that work and bringing those that don’t work to a deserving end. The fact is Canadians have come too far, worked too hard and sacrificed too much to go back to the era of deficits.

Second, we must never forget that an innovative society rests on strong social foundations. A learning society like Canada understands, for example, the fundamental importance of early childhood development and of lifelong learning, which starts in infancy and continues well after the final degree or diploma is granted. It also understands the importance of a progressive immigration policy and of a health care system in which we all have confidence. In other words, we must understand the following: when we strengthen our social fabric, we also strengthen our economy.

Third, Canada must build a 21st century economy. An economy driven, above all, by individual ingenuity and creativity.

We cannot rest on our laurels. If Canada’s economy is to fulfill its potential, we must stop congratulating ourselves, and get on with the new job at hand.

This is true for business, it is also true for government.

We have achieved many of the conditions required for incremental growth. Now we have to build on that foundation, to ensure that Canada is firmly positioned at the cutting edge of a global economy whose pace is set by new technologies, new start-ups and most of all by the creativity and ingenuity of individual endeavor.

These are the forces that have the power to transform whole industries.

This means supporting basic research, it means a much greater effort to commercialize applied research, and adopting cutting edge technologies so that Canadian businesses don’t ever settle for things that work just well enough.

That means our capital markets have to help our most innovative entrepreneurs develop their businesses– especially in fields where global demand is growing and where Canada already has a competitive advantage.

This third condition of growth – the need to build a 21st century economy – is what I would like to focus on here.

What is important is to create the necessary conditions for sustainable, long-term economic growth – the kind of growth that can create new jobs year after year. We have to act now. Let me give you some examples to explain why.

First: university research.

One of the most important decisions of recent years was to make our universities and colleges the centres for Canadian research and development.

Since 1998, the Canadian government has announced enormous investments of more than $11 billion for research and innovation. We obviously have to maintain that investment. One of the primary responsibilities of a government is to finance basic research.

Basic research is crucial in order to push back the frontiers of knowledge. But having said that, basic research is not, in itself, sufficient to generate the economic results we need. Quite simply, we need to understand that research funding is also, often, an investment – whose return is measured in part by the number of new companies and new jobs created. In short, we have to commercialize that research. That’s precisely where Canada still has work to do.

For instance, in spite of all our progress, the most recent data suggests that every dollar invested in research at a leading U.S. university still produces around 50 per cent more in license income than a dollar invested in research at a leading Canadian university.

One reason for that, is the fact that almost every Canadian university has its own rules for managing intellectual property. That makes it more difficult for private companies to build partnerships that weave together many ideas and bring them from the laboratory to the marketplace.

One very promising effort recently got underway in Western Canada. It is called Westlink and involves the cooperation of 25 different universities, colleges, and research institutes that have come together to essentially pool functions relating to technology transfer.

That effort deserves real encouragement. But we have to go even further. Quite simply, the fact is that we need a fundamental change in the way that our research institutions assess the economic potential of their discoveries.

That said, we need a culture change beyond the lab, too. The other obstacle is the dearth of private capital to invest in Canadian start-ups at the earliest of stages, when they are still in gestation. Government can facilitate the development of this kind of capital. But it really has to come from the private sector, from those who know how to develop new discoveries commercially, how to identify opportunities in the marketplace and how to build a solid business plan before the next round of financing.

Clearly we have to change the way we do things.

The second example that I would give you where we have gaps to fill if we are to live up to our potential, flows from the first example. It is the need to facilitate the way that small and medium-sized businesses operate within the new economy.

Tomorrow’s multinationals are the small and medium-sized enterprises of today. And these future multinationals face two significant challenges.

The first challenge is that small and medium sized businesses don’t always have all the resources they need to do research and development on a new product.

We have to provide the missing link. For example, we need structures that allow our small and medium sized businesses to sub-contract their research needs to regional, national and international laboratories.

We already have a good foundation for this: the 19 institutes of the national research council, and the IRAP program that continues to play a key role. But we have to go farther.

Other countries have put structures in place to fill these gaps – Batelle Corporation in the U.S. and Fraunhofer Institutes in Germany, for example.

We should do the same in Canada. Our goal should be to give our small and medium sized businesses the kind of support they need: from research to commercialization, from protecting their intellectual property to helping with financing.

Another gap affecting our overall economic potential, but most particularly that of our small and medium size enterprises is the need to seek out best practice technology on the one hand, and to invest in improving the skills base of our workforce on a continuous basis on the other.

Look at Australia. Throughout the 1990s Australian companies invested enormously in new technology, much of which was produced abroad. With what result? Australia’s productivity growth rate was the second highest in the OECD, outstripping Canada’s and even that of the U.S.

Wherein lies the answer?

Some believe that government must ensure that the depreciation rules of the tax act reflect the changing life cycles of technology.

And I agree. But fundamentally, the only lasting answer will be found in the unequivocal recognition by the private sector that the key to increasing productivity is to invest in poeple and technology on a continuous basis.

And for those among us who are still skeptical about the need to increase our productivity, the recent rise of the dollar provides ample evidence of just how important productivity really is. For our companies who face the volatility of international currency markets, it is not merely a “nice to have” option among so many others, it is an absolute necessity.

The third point I would like to raise is access to capital.

I don’t need to tell you that financing is fundamental. It’s the oxygen of university research, just as it’s the oxygen of entrepreneurship. It is what allows businesses to go from a start-up stage to maturity.

If Canada is to be an incubator of dynamic new companies – and not merely a breeding ground of good ideas for others – we must do even better at getting resources into the hands of Canadian entrepreneurs at the right time and in good measure.

There is a debate in Canada as to whether there is a shortage of venture capital in absolute terms, or whether, in fact, venture capitalists are still so traumatized by the dot-com bomb that they are actually reluctant to invest the cash they do have.

But one thing is clear, regardless of the reason, Canada’s technology industries are suffering a financial squeeze of major proportions, and no better example can be cited than the Canadian biotechnology industry.

Canadian venture capital has succeeded in supporting solid, early stage ventures, but it has too often failed to convert them through later stages of funding and growth relative to global leaders. As a result, Canada’s middle market biotechnology companies are significantly underfunded compared to their global peers. The problem goes beyond biotech. As does the fact that all too often Canadian start-ups do not receive the value-added coaching, development and marketing support that their U.S. counterparts do. The fact is that for our bio-tech companies, an area where we are as good as anyone in the world, the crunch is on, and it is on now.

The Canadian biotech industry is one of the best in the world. But it is also fragile. More than half of our public biotech enterprises face a severe cash crunch.

The issue is simple: either these companies shut down or get bought out, or they flourish and have the means to buy other companies out. The choice is ours.

What are they doing elsewhere? Consider the United States.

The U.S. biotech sector also has financial problems. But at last count, there were 41 American states that had a public program of some sort involving biotech. Some, such as California and Wisconsin, draw on their pension funds. Others, such as Michigan, North Carolina and New Mexico, draw on direct investments.

So, what must Canada do?

Some have suggested that the public and private sectors work together to provide the risk capital and the expertise that our companies need. And I agree with that.

Let’s be clear: if government has a role to play, it must only be as a catalyst. It cannot be the final answer. Canadian pension funds provide 20 per cent of venture capital in Canada, while in the United States, they provide roughly 50 per cent. I ask you this question: how can we build an economy in the 21st century, if we rely on a concept of risk that dates back to the 19th century?

Fourth Point: Canada is well established in two of the most important transformative and enabling technologies: information and communications technology and biotechnology. Both are going through a difficult time and we have to stand by them. However, we have to understand that there are other sectors where we have barely scratched the surface.

From nanotechnology, which is still in its infancy, to established fields of endeavor where their export potential is far from being realized, the opportunities for Canada are unlimited. What is important is to grasp that because our domestic market is small and our expertise is great, it is crucial that we use both as a launch pad to the markets of the world. Not just the American market, but also China, Brazil and India, who together, represent one-third of the world’s population and continue to grow rapidly.

Allow me to give you two examples of what I mean: environmental and medical technologies.

First, environmental technologies.

Whether you are talking about improving air quality, water quality, or waste management, Canadian companies have an enormous opportunity to make their mark.

Take energy for example.

World energy consumption is forecast to rise 60 per cent by the year 2020.

Even for the countries that did not sign the Kyoto Protocol, it is clear that the new regime will change the way we think, and will stimulate the world’s demand for clean energy. It is also clear that, no matter what happens in the first phase, the world cannot meet the objectives of Kyoto’s second phase without a technological revolution.

Few realize the truly innovative work that is happening in the environment sector right across Canada. In Quebec, one company in the Gaspé is positioning itself to be the leader in the area of wind energy. An Alberta company is focused on the production of clean energy from cow manure. More than 20 British Columbia companies are working in the area of fuel cells.

There are literally hundreds of companies pursuing such projects across the country. Is it in our interest for them to succeed? The answer is yes.

Do they need our help? The answer is again, yes, and especially when they are in the early stages of development.

But how do we help them? There are many ways. For example, two years ago the government created a foundation to support certain environmental technologies. I believe that the moment has arrived to expand its mandate to include all green technologies.

And since the government has stated its intention to sell its remaining shares in Petro-Canada, why not invest part of the proceeds in that foundation to ensure Canada becomes a world leader in the environmental technologies of tomorrow?

Another example where Canada has a huge domestic market and a great opportunity is in the development of new healthcare technologies.

I believe very strongly in the Canadian system of public and universal healthcare. It is a moral statement of our values as a people. I also believe that Dr Henry Friesen, the founder of the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, is right when he says we are not taking full advantage of the economic benefits our system could bring. This has nothing whatsoever to do with privatization. In fact, I believe that the more we take advantage of its economic potential, the stronger our public system will be.

Today, we spend more than $112 billion every year on health care in this country – almost 10 per cent of our GDP. But we buy most of our medical products and equipment from abroad. In fact, the sector represents one of our largest trade deficits – some $6 billion a year and growing rapidly. Canada can do much better than that.

The fact is that there is an enormous – and growing – worldwide market for these products and services. And Canada is ideally positioned to capture a substantial share.

Today, Canadian researchers are on the leading edge. Genome Canada, for example, is doing revolutionary research in areas as diverse as infectious diseases and isolating the genes responsible for obesity, hypertension, cystic fibrosis, and asthma.

In Montreal, researchers are doing incredible work on Alzheimer’s.

And scientists in Vancouver discovered what they believe to be the genetic code of SARS virus.

Clearly, we need to keep doing research in many areas. But the key of any good strategy is to concentrate on your strengths. We need to pick segments where we can really build a competitive advantage in the global market – whether in bio-pharmaceuticals, medical devices, consulting services, or others.

To that end, Dr Henry Friesen has proposed the creation of a Health Innovation Council to advise on how we can increase the productivity of our health system, reduce our reliance on imported medical goods and services and develop new Canadian diagnostic tools, therapies, technologies and services.

Regardless of the mechanism we choose, the important thing is that we move quickly to leverage our existing strengths, so that we can gain the greatest advantage from the fact that our system is based on a single-payer principle – and make health care not just a powerful force in society, but a growing force in our economy.

On this, just one further point. I have talked about environmental and health technologies in the context of penetrating foreign markets from a Canadian base. But let me talk about them as well from another point of view. We have a responsibility to ourselves, but also one that goes well beyond our own self-interest. We have a responsibility to deal with the problems of those in the world who cannot deal with them themselves.

Focusing on R and D is critical to dealing with the challenges we face. If this is true for Canada, it is true for the developing world as well – and yet there, the needed research is virtually non-existent.

For example, according to the OECD, many potential remedies to address some of the worst diseases in developing countries are ready to be developed, but lack the necessary financing to bring them through the final stage of clinical trials. This is unacceptable.

Why not develop a specific, and perhaps commercial, expertise here in Canada and create new technologies, new therapies and new services that can be taken advantage of by developing counties.

For us in Canada, it is an opportunity to do that which is right.

Well the time has come for me to bring these remarks to an end. Let me do so, by expressing one further reason why I wanted to cast my perspective on the economy the way I have today.

I believe government is about change – that good governments don’t react to change, they anticipate it. If this were ever true, it has never been more true than today. We live at a time when grade school children are taking the genetic material out of an apple and running it through sequencing machines; when computing power is doubling every 18 months, and bandwidth even faster than that.

My message, as a result, is: it cannot be business as usual. Nor, I might add, can it be government as usual.

There is no doubt that we are living in one of the most exciting times in history, when human creativity is multiplying exponentially, when each new discovery contains within itself the DNA of another revolution.

Over the course of the last decade, the choices we made have resulted in an unprecedented fiscal turnaround. We must protect these gains, but at the same time, we must also go to the next level.

The changes we are witnessing represent a profound shift in the way economies operate, in how jobs are created and in how people and countries prepare themselves to succeed.

As a nation, we have everything that we need to achieve this. We have the confidence, we have the talent and we have the will. Our objective is clear: to be a true land of innovation. A market teeming with new products and services, a country where the quality of life never ceases to grow.

The fact is that very few countries will lead the world of tomorrow. My message is simple: Canada will be there.

 

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