When rabble rule

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
April 23, 2005

‘She wanted to say something but she was afraid her house might get torched,” one neighbour told me, referring to a friend who was afraid to speak up at a neighborhood meeting over a proposed addition to a local private school.

“It was a lynching,” another neighbour explained when I asked him why he didn’t ask the question he had gone to the meeting to ask. “Who wants to subject himself to that?”

“It was a mob,” said a third neighbour: A fourth expressed guilt for not having the courage to speak up in defence of the school, a boys’ choir school called Royal St. George’s College. A fifth characterized the private school’s venomous beraters as “a rabble of fools.” A sixth, after seeing the column I wrote (Schoolyard Bullies, April 2) criticizing the behaviour of the school’s opponents, feared that my young daughters would be bullied.

Welcome to neighbourhood democracy in Toronto’s Annex, one of Canada’s most “progressive” communities, home to academics and professionals, hotbed of grassroots activism, and exemplar of the evil of misplaced “public participation.” As the saga surrounding this school’s quest to upgrade its property shows, public participation all too often is neither about participation nor for the public. Instead, public participation can be code for stripping the majority in a neighbourhood of say in favour of giving it to those who are most shrill.

Toronto City Council runs a political jurisdiction with a GDP larger than most provinces. One of the jobs that this city council performs is to micro-manage the uses to which hundreds of thousands of property owners put their property: in this case, whether a relatively small non-profit neighbourhood school should be allowed to use part of its parking lot to build a gymnasium for its 425 students.

Because it would be absurd for big city legislators with big city responsibilities to spend any time at all on so trivial and local a decision, they don’t. Instead city council effectively delegates such decisions to local councillors and generally rubber stamps their decisions – under an informal arrangement, councillors have carved up the city into personal fiefdoms, with a quiet understanding that they won’t interfere in each other’s turf.

But the local elected councillors generally don’t want any part of trivial disputes either, particularly those with potential to cost them votes, so they hand off the problem to unelected “community working groups,” typically those most vociferous. In the case of Royal St. George’s, the vociferous group is called Neighbours of St. Alban’s Park, or NOSAP, which became the quasi-official representatives of a neighbourhood by fiat. Neighbourhood democracy, in effect, amounts to giving an unelected minority outsized rights to shape a local development process.

To further “public participation” on this subject, the city then told Royal St. George’s to refrain from communicating with the public on its expansion plans, except through the unelected working group. One result: The school could not present its various plans to the larger public for its feedback. Another result: NOSAP was free to distort the plans that the school did have with wild abandon, and did. In a remarkable display of disingenuousness, NOSAP – not liking the school’s designs – asked the school to produce a different design, inconsistent with the neighbourhood’s character, to see how it might look. The school accommodated the request. NOSAP then circulated the design it had requested throughout the neighbourhood, as evidence of what the school had planned. For good measure, NOSAP digitally doctored the design that it circulated, making it less palatable still. The school, meanwhile, felt honour-bound to follow the city’s gag request throughout, a period of nine months, all in the name of promoting public participation.

After I wrote my expose of NOSAP’s tactics three weeks ago, a NOSAP leader wrote me a belligerent note accusing me of making grave accusations and of acting dishonestly. I agreed to provide the lengthy answers she demanded on condition that I make her letter public, along with my response. True to form, this champion of public participation refused my request, and threatened to take me to the Ontario Press Council. Not that she will. My accusations are indeed grave, and they are verifiable.

If public participation is needed, those chosen to represent a neighbourhood should not be the extremists, merely because their adrenalin-flow exceeds that of others. That guarantees results unrepresentative of the neighbourhood as a whole. Better to select a jury from the neighbourhood at random, or by neighbourhood plebiscites – mechanisms less likely to lead to a lynching.

No property owner – whether a school, business, or individual – should be able to harm a neighbour’s property or to interfere with his use or enjoyment of it. Likewise, no property owner should be able to exceed noise restrictions or otherwise flout the traditional common law that societies have developed over time in regulating themselves. But, barring such harms to neighbours, why should either the city or the neighbourhood as a whole be involved in details deciding (as is the case here) how much of a parking lot can be built on? Why should a school in the public system get preference over a non-profit private school (the city gives fewer rights to private academic institutions)? Why should anyone but the school decide on the size of its proposed student drama studio or the colour of brick that its architect selects? We meddle too much and we tolerate too little. And, as a result, we get too many bullies who do too much violence to the neighbourhood.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute; www.urban.probeinternational.org

 

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Hardly world-class

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
April 16, 2005

Great industrial cities have historically hosted world’s fairs and world’s fairs have augmented these cities’ greatness. The first true world’s fair, London’s Great Exposition of 1851, created the Crystal Palace and attracted six million visitors. The Chicago World’s Fair of 1893 brought us Ferris’s Wheel, the 1889 Paris World’s Fair Eiffel’s Tower. The Chicago World’s Fair of 1934 and the New York World’s Fair of 1939, were also landmark, iconic events. Toronto, which decided this week to host the World’s Fair of 2015 in its largely undeveloped waterfront, should not be faulted for wanting to follow in the footsteps of the great industrial centres of the world.

It should be faulted for not noticing that great industrial cities have abandoned world’s fairs. In recent decades, world’s fairs haven’t been held in metropolises such as London, New York and Paris, they’ve been held chiefly in places such as Knoxville, Tenn., Daejeon, South Korea, and Spokane, Wash. If Toronto’s city council aspires for Toronto to join the Industrial Big Leagues, rather than strive to be a Knoxville North, it had best back out quickly, its pride and its pocketbook intact, and focus its energies on the substance, not the symbolism, of great industrial cities.

One of the last world’s fairs worthy of the name was Expo ’67 in Montreal, my hometown. I remember it well and fondly. I visited it 24 times, agape at the world of choice on offer. For the first time, I could peek behind the Iron Curtain to see the wares on display from the U.S.S.R. and other communist countries. For the first time, the traditional cultures of dozens of countries were readily accessible. For the first time, I drank real Czech beer, from Pilsen, the legendary beer centre; I sampled the cuisine from dozens of countries around the world; I gaped at new technologies being introduced to the global marketplace.

Then came airplane deregulation, lowering the cost of travel to these faraway places and providing the general public with the opportunity to obtain their own, authentic experiences. Then came telephone deregulation, allowing for the freer flow of information, and shipping deregulation, allowing for a freer flow of goods. Not only did trade open up, the Iron Curtain came down, giving the West access to direct knowledge of the workings of these formerly closed societies. Then came the Internet, perhaps the most profound of the globalizing technologies, allowing services as well as goods to criss-cross the globe more easily than they once crossed town.

We don’t need a world’s fair, anymore, to expose us to Czech beer or to anything else. The world has moved on. Great industrial fairs are no more. They are obsolete, even if some governments do not yet realize it.

London’s Great Exposition of 1851 created the institution of world’s fairs because it met a commercial need. Through the world’s fairs that soon spread to the capitals of the civilized world, the civilized peoples of the world had a forum in which they could compare each others’ industrial arts and learn from each other. It was here that America’s prowess first became evident to the world, to everyone’s surprise winning large numbers of awards. These were won not because American machinery was more elegant than others – Europeans bested Americans here – but, as remarked at the time, “owing to their skillful, direct, and admirable adaptation to the great wants they were intended to supply, . . . convert[ing] the elements and natural forces to the commonest uses, multiplying results and diminishing toil.”

World’s fairs brought new products to market. The 1893 Chicago World’s Fair gave us the zipper, pay toilets, souvenir postcards, and beef bouillon. Milton Hershey, impressed by Walter Lowney’s invention of the chocolate bar, went home to Pennsylvania and made his chocolate fortune. Other entrepreneurs, seeing the popularity of the Ferris Wheel, went home to create the modern amusement park.

As world’s fairs lost their commercial raison d’etre, they lost their way. Some tried environmental themes, some social. Most failed, some spectacularly so. Louisiana’s World Fair of 1984 set a first – the only world’s fair to declare bankruptcy while still operating.

Toronto city council’s rationales for hosting a world fair are even worse. In part, the councillors are embarrassed that Toronto has failed to develop its waterfront as other major cities have – a failure that extends the better part of two centuries. By placing the world’s fair at Toronto’s waterfront, they hope to muster the momentum needed to overcome their own inertia. In part, they seek a world’s fair as a consolation prize, having been spurned in previous bids to land an Olympics. It would be a booby prize.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute.; www.urban.probeinternational.org

 


A reader’s response

Re: Hardly world-class, Lawrence Solomon, April 16

If Expo 2015 World Fair was awarded to Toronto it would be a cure for many ills, and not as Lawrence Solomon describes, a “booby prize.” In fact, Mr. Solomon, in his column: “Hardly world-class;” has missed the point and is mistaken about the motivations behind the Expo 2015 World Fair bid.

Mr. Solomon states, “… they seek a world’s fair as a consolation prize, having been spurned in previous bids to land an Olympics. It would be a booby prize.”

Look deeper into Toronto’s needs and you will find the necessary motivation behind Mayor David Miller’s and city council’s bid to land the World Fair.

The Toronto Port Lands were slated for a massive film studio complex. That fell through. There are renewed attempts to try it again but the film industry in Toronto is underemployed. Suddenly, developing the Port Lands into a studio complex isn’t such a hot idea for investors.

Originally, the Port Lands were to be developed with the Olympic bid for 2008 – but lost it when it should have got it. Leverage went to the economic changes led by outsourcing: “Big Business Fortune 500 companies, outsourcing to China.”

Now, a World Fair will be a perfect cover to get those darn brownfields fixed up in Toronto’s Port Lands. This is why Toronto needs the Expo 2015 World Fair. Afterwards, redevelopment by businesses, and condos, which are heavily built on Toronto’s west-end waterfront, could continue construction and revitalization of the east-end Port Lands.

Current companies, such as Home Depot, own a huge swath of land just sitting barren. It was home to the infamous Tent City, a homeless city built with pieces of debris. City enforcement disbanded this settlement. The land sits undeveloped.

(Jack Layton, then a Toronto city councilor and now the federal NDP leader, used the homeless situation in Tent City to stand on their backs, to better his own political prospects. Worked for him, I guess.)

Toronto will profit. It may not appear in the immediate ledger. The city investment, for a break-even or lose-a-bit result, is fine for the price it needs to pay, to scoop out the brownfields and make it livable, and working land for purchase and development after the Expo 2015 World Fair is gone.

That’s all the soul Toronto has to offer for the pursuit of the World Fair. On the shiny side, Toronto is the most culturally diverse city planet Earth has ever seen! Toronto’s modern diversity history in the making, is the backbone of a potentially fantastic Expo 2015 World’s Fair.

“What I like about the world’s fair is we have the world in Toronto, and it’s time to show Toronto to the world,” Mayor David Miller said.

It really is a win-win bid for Toronto and for the Expo World Fair. Hands down it may be one of the best events of the year, worldwide, for visitors and residents to participate in . . . and Toronto can finally recover from it’s nasty Port Land’s toxic open sore with a cure-all for good!

Great call by Mayor Miller to embrace this opportunity.

Patrick Reilly, Toronto, published by the National Post, May 2, 2005

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KAIROS Presentation to the Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration

KAIROS (ecumenical human rights advocate)
April 13/2005

Current delays in reunification prolong grave risks for family members overseas and exacerbate worries for the safety and well-being of those left behind, making it difficult for newcomers to settle and contribute to Canadian society.

Click here to view PDF

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Drab city

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
April 9, 2005

Toronto is a drab city. Its residents make it so. Frank Gehry is among the world’s best architects, certainly he is the world’s most celebrated, following his soaring success in building Spain’s Guggenheim Museum Bilbao. But he’s not good enough for many at the Grange, the Toronto neighbourhood in which he grew up and site of a $200-million Art Gallery of Ontario renovation.

“It’s the poor who are being screwed in terms of the impact on the park,” Ceta Ramkhalawansingh, a local resident and leader of the Grange Park Preservation Association told the press before Christmas, in explaining that users of the public park adjoining the AGO property should not be forced to endure a Gehry design. “There are 1,000 units of public housing in this area and the people who live in them depend on the park for sanctuary. Unlike the property owners of the area, they do not have their own private gardens.”

To spare the downtrodden the discomfort of gazing on his edifice, Gehry and the AGO made numerous design concessions to appease the neighbourhood zealots. But they didn’t make enough. After the zealots failed to convince Toronto City Council to stop the project, they took their case to the Ontario Municipal Board, an independent regulatory body that has the authority to delay or even kill projects. Had the protesters succeeded (they subsequently backed down), visitors to the AGO would not only have been denied the experience of entering a Gehry building, they would have been thwarted in seeing the extraordinary new art collection that the Gehry building will house – a $300-million, 2,000-work collection, donated by Ken Thomson, that includes such masterpieces as Rubens’s recently rediscovered early-17th century masterpiece, The Massacre of the Innocents.

The AGO, now housed in a lacklustre, unfinished building on a major Toronto thoroughfare, has been through this before. In the 1980s, the same Ceta Ramkhalawansingh led a battle to save the neighbourhood from Barton Myers, another internationally renowned architect. Following a delay that cost two years and scarce funds, much of Meyers’ original concept – including a sculptured outdoor terrace, a canopy, and his choice of size and colour of brick – went by the boards. The dollar-store critics living in the Grange won their design preferences, everyone else lost.

Neighbourhood opposition groups do not vent their rage against showcase projects alone. They can diminish virtually any development that attempts anything out of the ordinary because Toronto’s planning rules enshrine indiscriminate public participation, giving neighbours outsized opportunities to object on any number of grounds – social equity, architecture, privacy, safety, sunlight, disruption during construction, increases in property values, setbacks, or simply the satisfaction of settling an old score with a disliked neighbour. Opponents will often seize on grand-sounding causes, such as “protecting public spaces” or “maintaining the integrity of a neighbourhood,” when they are really looking out for their personal interests.

Ceta, for example, fears that the Gehry addition will attract “weddings and noisy social events,” disrupting the tranquillity she prizes. Others might object because the project could raise property values, and thus the property taxes that they must pay. Others still object to the disruption that accompanies any construction project. But Toronto already has laws that prohibit unreasonable noise at unreasonable times, and society is generally welcoming to newlyweds who want to seal their vows in splendid public places. Objectors abuse the regulatory process when they impede a project, claiming planning grounds, when their underlying motives involve frivolities that cannot be legally adjudicated.

In truth, such neighbourhood activists often betray a hatred for downtown living, opposing all manner of developments that might disturb their leisure, whether sidewalk cafes, neighbourhood schools, or entertainment complexes. The most common objection to new projects, evident in upwards of 90% of cases, involve parking and traffic: Residents resent additional traffic on local streets that may impede their own vehicles, even for a minute at a time, and they resent outsiders using the free street parking available in most city neighbourhoods. The concessions that they generally foist on developments – even small infill projects involving a handful of townhouses or condominium units – almost always substitute asphalt for green space. To spare themselves some inconvenience, neighbours demand that developers put in more parking spots, wider driveways, more internal roads, in effect trying to bring suburban auto standards to the city, despite the cost to urban design.

Toronto is not all drab – a metropolis approaching Chicago in size can’t help but have some outstanding districts, some outstanding architecture. But Toronto architecture does not belong on the same map as a Chicago or New York. The city’s pandering to squeaky wheels has been a force for uglification – architects know not to even try to show verve when accepting a commission in the city. The AGO project shows Gehry at his most restrained, and his most resigned. As he told The New York Times, “It’s a little bit much to assume that I will remodel a building that has already been remodelled before and that will change Toronto.” The building may yet shine – Gehry, even restrained and in Toronto, will stand out. Particularly when judged against other compromised architecture that has passed muster with opposition groups.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute and Consumer Policy Institute; www.urban.probeinternational.org.

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Schoolyard bullies

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
April 2, 2005

The church may have never before been host to three hours of almost uninterrupted jeers, sneers, and self-righteous invective, much of it directed at people unwelcome in the neighbourhood. This was not a Christian fundamentalist gathering of homophobes and racists. This was not Alabama or some northern Canadian backwater from some pre-enlightened era. This was Toronto’s Annex, one of the city’s wealthiest and trendiest districts, and the hate-filled gathering was organized for one purpose: To help decide whether a private boy’s school located in the neighbourhood, a choir school called Royal St. Georges College, should be allowed renovations, chiefly to build a gym on a portion of its parking lot.

First let me disclose my many conflicts of interest. I live near the school and on warm spring and fall days, when the school keeps its windows open, I am cheered by the sounds of the boys’ choir that sometimes escape to the outdoors. My daughters learned to ride their bicycles in the school’s parking lot and I throw balls for my dog there. I have several friends in the neighbourhood, and also friends outside it, in areas both modest and affluent, who send their sons to the school.

Most neighbours with whom I’ve discussed the school consider it an excellent neighbour. These neighbours are all pleased by a past addition and other improvements that the school has made to the grounds and are generally receptive, if not positively supportive, of the school’s proposal to replace some asphalt with a brick building very much in the style of neighbouring houses. The school, if nothing else, is a source of gentility in Toronto’s downtown, its students remarkably well behaved; its staff always courteous, always welcoming neighbourhood use of its grounds; its landscaping a visual amenity to the neighbourhood.

Little of the good will that Royal St. Georges has earned in the neighbourhood was evident earlier this week in the church, at a public meeting organized by Toronto’s planning department and dominated by Neighbours of St. Albans Park, an abrasive group of community activists. NOSAP has evidently made an impression among residents, succeeding to convince large numbers of them into opposition on the basis of doctored documents and unfounded claims. This group has also made an impression on Olivia Chow, wife of NDP leader Jack Layton and the Annex’s local councillor, who hosted the community meeting and abetted the gathering’s boorish behaviour. And it has made an impression on me: It has demonstrated how otherwise decent folk, when placed in a group setting and incited, can descend into baseness. The bullies here are all outside the schoolyard.

The meeting’s stated purpose was to provide the school with an opportunity to present its plans to the community. No sooner had the school’s representative, an urban planner at a prominent firm, begun her presentation than Ms. Chow interrupted her to tell her that time was short, and that she’d have to limit her presentation to about 20 minutes, or about half the time that the city had told her she could have. A few minutes later Ms. Chow repeated her demand to encourage the planner to wrap up her presentation. Ms. Chow showed no such concern for time when opponents of the school seized the microphone.

Ten minutes went to a community activist from another neighbourhood who went on at length about how no developer can be trusted, but had nothing specific to say about the Royal St. Georges proposal. Another 10 minutes or so went to a 19-year-old who waxed eloquent over the many years of rollerblading and ball hockey that he had enjoyed in the schoolyard, and concluded that the school had no right to deny others that pleasure by placing a building on its parking lot. Another seven minutes went to a woman who berated the school for placing an “idle-free zone” sign on the entrance to its property, seeing in this action a cynical desire to limit vehicular pollution that could affect its students while not caring about vehicles that might idle off the school property.

And throughout, insults punctuated the meeting. Some blustered that private schools don’t belong in the Annex. Some mocked the school’s representative for being a “private planner,” with the emphasis on “private,” as if she were scum for working in the private sector. The school’s students were insulted and characterized as “sons of the privileged,” their parents reviled for their wealth, for driving SUVs, for being suburbanites, for having values abhorrent to those in the Annex.

As the evening progressed, it seemed, many became emboldened and joined the pack, cheering on those who heaped abuse, no matter how inane. Those who had come to speak favourably of the project, meanwhile, backed off, fearing recriminations and for good reasons. Even those who made small concessions to the school in speaking against the proposal drew criticism for sending mixed messages. Only one person dared to publicly defy the school’s opponents, an 11-year-old girl who spoke twice to defend the school and counter accusations made against the behaviour of the boys.

After the meeting, those who remained silent reflected on their neighbours’ ugly side. One wondered at the audacity of residents living in million dollar homes and driving expensive cars – a Hummer among them – criticizing others for their wealth. Another wondered how the property would be redeveloped if the opponents succeeded in forcing the school to leave – would residents prefer the condominium or apartment building complex that might otherwise be the site’s fate? Others still likened the participants to “a mob” and “a rabble of fools.”

The Annex is not representative of most communities and not even of Toronto. Thought to have Canada’s highest concentration of academics, writers, artists and others who tend toward the politically correct, residents here often joke about the need to conform to the Annex Thought Police. Certainly the Annex is a less tolerant, more bigoted community than many.

But whatever the district, we need a more civil way to make simple building decisions than the coercive, politicized method now in place, which gives those with petty grievances power out of all proportion to their number. The most strident opponents of the school, for example, want it out of the neighbourhood on grounds of class warfare, yet a large majority in the Annex would want it to remain. In contrast, other neighbourhood opponents have resolvable concerns – over parking, over the school’s enrolment, over architectural features – that could easily be resolved by negotiation among the parties. This is what happened before the era of public participation, when peer pressure and agreements among neighbours – not government coercion – were more the rule. It was a more civil time, in a more civilized society.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute; www.urban.probeinternational.org.

 

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