Rural phase out

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
April 21, 2004

For the first time in memory, possibly for the first time in Canadian history, a prominent government panel is recommending that unsustainable rural areas in Canada’s heartland be taken off life support and allowed to die a natural death.

Most of rural Canada cannot sustain itself. Rural residents need help to cover basic needs, from airfare to city hospitals for their medical needs to subsidized energy for their homes. Rural towns need provincial subsidies to cover up to 90% of their infrastructure needs. Rural industries, agriculture above all, need subsidies, too. If the subsidies vanished, so, too, would most farming, logging and mining in remote areas.

Until last week, all of Canadian officialdom was in denial about the de facto bankruptcy of the rural economy, paying lipservice to the importance of rural industries even as officials continued to sign cheques to prop up rural institutions. Last week marks a turning point, at least in one government’s perception of the rural economy. A major Ontario government report, produced by its Panel on the Role of Government and praised by Ontario’s premier, dismissed the notion that the rural economy is a bedrock. The panel concluded that much of rural Canada is economically unsustainable, that it is futile to try to artificially sustain rural industry, that population decline is inevitable, and that the government should abandon regional development programs. Instead, the panel concluded, the government should retrain young people in rural areas who are willing to move away from their communities as part of a rural restructuring and – by implication – an eventual abandonment of much of rural Ontario.

“The province should phase out regional economic development programs, such as the provision of subsidies and tax incentives to businesses, which risk promoting permanent government-induced dependency,” the panel states. “The province, in co-operation with the federal government, should consider providing appropriate transitional arrangements, such as those aimed at retraining for those willing to pursue opportunities beyond their home community.”

The panel based its conclusion on “Small, Rural, and Remote Communities: The Anatomy of Risk,” a background study it commissioned to tackle the politically explosive issue of how to manage rural decline. Although the background study couched its recommendations in gentle language, it was often brutally honest in its assessment of the prospects for rural areas, which it defined to include most of Ontario, including much of Southern Ontario.

Rural areas have a rapidly ageing population that inexorably declines as young people leave, the study states. These areas have few industries, thin labour markets and little ability to attract either educated workers, entrepreneurs or immigrants. Apart from low housing costs, almost all consumer goods are expensive in rural areas. Delivering government services is also costly, and will become more costly as rural areas increasingly become dependent. As for highly touted panaceas for the rural areas, such as programs to bring the Internet and broadband to rural Canada, the study deems them all but worthless, and criticizes other government bodies, such as the province’s Smart Growth Secretariat, for raising false expectations about rural areas’ viability.

The real question for society, the study states, is how to mercifully manage the decline of the rural areas. It suggests doing so slowly, by maintaining basic services for the mostly older, less mobile rural residents who might want to stay in their home communities. At the same time, it would cut off subsidies designed to develop the rural economy, encourage the young and mobile to leave, and even walk away from government’s traditional responsibility to provide public services in future northern settlements. As a possible model for Canada to consider, the study points to the success that Sweden, Finland and Norway have had in shutting down unviable rural communities by resettling residents in regional centres. “An important issue of debate is whether communities that cannot survive in the absence of disproportionate senior government funding (when compared to other urban areas) should exist at all.”

The study’s bottom line: “Most communities in the periphery cannot be self-sustaining, economically, socially or fiscally,” making the fate of their residents one of welfare dependency. For this reason, “hard choices have to be made. The provincial government cannot provide subsidies to everyone everywhere in the province. Nor can all small communities survive, and provide a reasonable minimum level of services and jobs, within a climate of population and economic decline.”

The Panel on the Role of Government has taken the findings of the background study to heart. The future of the province lies in its urban centres, the panel concludes, but that future won’t allow the government to be all things to all people. “Against this fiscal backdrop, it behooves us to acknowledge that if the government were to commit to our priorities (or some variant on them), it will only be able to implement them if it is prepared to make a number of wrenching decisions. The reality is stark. … while fiscal reforms and working smarter are important, they are unlikely to be sufficient. [As a result], Ontario will have to face difficult trade-offs in a number of areas, including support for economically unsustainable rural and remote communities.”

The panel had, as part of its mandate, the task of determining for government “what and how it should start doing, stop doing, or keep doing either on its own or in partnership with others.” On what the government should stop doing, the panel has spoken with rare clarity and courage.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute and Consumer Policy Institute, divisions of Energy Probe Research Foundation. E-mail: LawrenceSolomon@nextcity.com.

Readers’ responses

Farm & Countryside Commentary

If you buy into the rhetoric that globalization is all there is, countryside does not matter much. If the technology treadmill to ever lower production costs is all there is, the countryside’s historical resources: food, lumber, energy and minerals do not matter much. If global capitalism is all there is, the countryside may be waiting a long time for some benefits to trickle down. If life – human beings included – is just so much DNA caught in a vast and remorseless evolution beyond our control, there is not much the countryside can do about its fate.

Some have bought in. Back in April, Lawrence Solomon wrote an essay in the National Post in which he gloats over what he calls a “prominent government panel,” that recommends that unsustainable rural areas in Canada’s heartland be taken off life support and allowed to die a natural death. The headline on the essay reads: “Rural phase out: In a major turning point, an Ontario government report suggests a restructuring and eventual abandonment of much of the provincial hinterland.”

I have not bought in. But globalization has a way of getting into our thinking and doing without realizing it – and undermining the future of countryside.

In London, last week, Avi Lewis came to the seventh rural development conference sponsored by the Ontario Rural Council with a message about constructive resistance to globalization. Lewis has just returned from Argentina where he has been engrossed in producing a documentary, The Take, a passionate tale of workers wresting control of the means of production from the global capitalism that has failed them.

The conference sparked some fresh thoughts about our circumstances.

Globalization creates distance between decisions and effects. Head office is somewhere else than in rural Ontario. Laws are for the benefit of others. Solution: welcome more local decision-making. Downloading more responsibilities to municipalities is the right agenda. It’s high time the resources are there to do the tasks well.

Globalization is top down. The management structure is a pyramid where CEOs rake in vast rewards. Solution: favour cooperatives, partnerships, networks and local democratic decision-making.

Globalization favours “one size fits all.” It reduces us to “units” and consumers. Solution: make every community different. Build on the uniqueness of our local countryside. Capitalize on the strengths of local people.

Globalization wants governments to stay out of the way of markets and be an ambassador for trade expansion and the profit principle. Solution: demand that governments return to first principles – public service and fairness for competing interests.

Finally, globalization wants us all to shrug: there is no other way. Solution: stand up to the shrug and set an example.

For details about The Ontario Rural Council, visit www.torc.on.ca/.

Elbert van Donkersgoed P. Ag. (Hon.) is the Strategic Policy Advisor of the Christian Farmers Federation of Ontario, Canada. Corner Post has been heard weekly on CFCO Radio, Chatham and CKNX Radio, Wingham, Ontario since 1997.


You keep Yonge St.

Two writers from Alberta take on Lawrence Solomon’s view that rural Canada is an unviable drag on cities. What about all those urban subsidies?

Lawrence Solomon has written several columns about rural Canada. His main points: the rural economy is grossly subsidized, the resource sector – also heavily subsidized – generates only 6% of Canada’s GDP; rural Canadians are fat and depressed; and both the rural economy and rural communities should be encouraged to die.

While we wholeheartedly believe the Canadian economy should be de-subsidized and, above all, deregulated, much of what Mr. Solomon has said is factually wrong. First, the issue of subsidies. He seems to regard the rural economy as singularly subsidized and, therefore, a parasite on wealth-generating urban Canada. But he’s letting his urban idyll deceive him.

Let’s spend a night on the town and play “spot the subsidy” as we go. After a hard day’s column writing, we’re ready to cut loose with our thin urban intellectual buddy. We eschew our cars, more likely than not built in federally and provincially subsidized auto plants, for mass transit.

Purchasing massively subsidized bus fares, we settle in for a good read. One opts for Canadiana, published by a house kept alive by federal subsidies and protectionism. Another leafs through that other national newspaper, whose owners benefit from such anti-competitive measures as foreign ownership restrictions.

While passing through the charming inner city, we glimpse youths breaking into an automobile – no bus riding for them dudes – as we peer down an alley at some ghost-like figures shooting up heroin and dealing Ecstasy. In the city of light, you can never be too thin or too happy.

On the great white way lies our municipally, provincially and federally subsidized concert hall. Tonight it’s gloriously lit, thanks in part to subsidized nuclear energy provided by a tax-exempt Crown monopoly. Inside, we rub shoulders with professors, doctors, teachers and government officials – all owing their livelihoods to state outlays. Some of the bureaucrats work for agencies doling out subsidies, including to those fat, depressed Ruritarians. Mr. Solomon chortles when we point out the irony. The uniformly thin, happy multitudes are delighted by the Heritage Canada-funded musicians and singers.

Our point should now be clear. Rural subsidies are dwarfed in number and magnitude by the subsidization of urban life and the urban economy. Nor are rural areas singular repositories of social pathologies. Rural people may be chubby and downbeat, but they are far less likely to die of AIDS or be raped in a parkade.

Still we’re unclear why Mr. Solomon is obsessed with destroying a part of Canada that, by his own reckoning, is so inconsequential. There may be some aesthetic elegance to rural depopulation, but it defies economic and social realities. His underlying, imputed urban-rural divide, while true for some isolated communities, is typically not two solitudes, but a continuum.

Look at Calgary. A high-density business/residential core is ringed by older neighbourhoods, in turn by vast, expanding suburbs, then acreage developments and country-style subdivisions, then former farming towns mushrooming into bedroom communities, and finally still more acreages and hobby farms. Hundreds of thousands live in a rural setting, but work in an urban environment, thereby supporting urban and rural economy alike.

One of us lives on an acreage. Some days he works in the city, others he avoids the lengthy commute. Is he urban or rural? Office work makes him fat and grumpy, while yardwork and fly-fishing restore physical form and contentment. Reading or watching the sun set over the Rocky Mountains doesn’t make him feel isolated. He doesn’t confuse solitude with loneliness. His neighbours are farmers doubling as commercial pilots, city travel agents married to rural contractors and retirees – are these rural or urban?

The same false dichotomy extends to the economy. Remove the resource sector that Mr. Solomon claims generates almost no wealth and you essentially wipe out two major cities. The office workers shuffling paper in the shiny towers are tallying all the oil and gas the rural “rig pigs” produce and process.

And what about the claim that Canada’s entire resource sector generates a heavily subsidized 6% of GDP. News flash: In 2003, Canada exported $62-billion worth of energy. One portion of one branch of the resource sector accounted for 6% of national GDP. The entire resource sector is much larger. By any measure – revenues and profits, taxes remitted, employment created, capital appreciation (including for urban pensioners) – resource industries generate enormous wealth. The Hemlo gold deposit alone is worth upwards of $6-billion – and how much infrastructure has been built north of Superior?

If subsidies are out, then urbanites must choose: Either pay real prices for hinterland products or import from Botswana.

We itch to annihilate Canada’s nasty apparatus of subsidies and subsidy-granting agencies, plus all the anti-competitive, protectionist, anti-foreign-investment regulations. While that should include killing farm subsidies – not least supply-managed poultry and dairy in Quebec and Ontario – our “night on the town” shows there would be a vastly greater harvest downtown than on the farm. The savings should enable major tax cuts.

Ironically, Prairie grain farming is one of the few substantially de-subsidized sectors. Begun by the Crow freight rate phase-out in the 1980s, our grain farmers are now much less subsidized than their counterparts in Europe and the United States. This Western contribution to balancing the Mulroney government’s budget sadly fell short in part because the same bracing medicine wasn’t administered to central Canada’s hugely subsidized aircraft industry.

If “unsustainable rural areas” were “taken off life-support and allowed to die a natural death,” as Mr. Solomon recently suggested, the consequences might surprise him. Many rural communities, in Alberta at least, are booming. Alberta’s “Highway 2 Corridor” between Edmonton and Calgary was recently named Canada’s most productive economic zone. This mixed area, from farms to small cities, has an economy based on energy, agriculture and related industries – transportation, manufacturing, services. It’s one reason we fat, depressed rednecks can afford to transfer a net $11-billion per year to Canada’s “have-not” provinces.

Don’t all cities spring out of the countryside? London, England, began as a Roman military camp – talk about “unsustainable.” Calgary was buffalo pasture 150 years ago. If we neglect rural areas, aren’t we aborting our next cities?

Fort McMurray in Alberta’s oil sands is the scene of the greatest capital investment in Canada’s history, with investors worldwide awakening to the implications of a 500-year supply of oil. In our lifetime, Fort McMurray has soared from little more than an outpost to a population of 47,000. If this is the unsustainable rural economy, then Canada needs more of it.

Cut off rural communities’ infrastructure funding, but allow our big city mayors to subvert the constitution and get their grubby fingers on federal tax dollars? It’s a false economy to crow about saving, say, $500,000 by re-wilding McBride, B.C., if you then hand Montreal $500-million in tax points.

Mr. Solomon specifically mentioned cutting loose northern communities. Obvious political suicide, but he also seems unaware that Canada’s North is on the cusp of becoming a net wealth creator for the first time since the fur trade. This is thanks to diamond mining, two massive planned natural gas pipelines, possible oil development, hydroelectric projects and, at long last, some highways. Canada’s resource sector has a lot left to give. What is needed is a campaign to free up the machinery of wealth creation everywhere.

George Koch and John Weisenberger are Calgary-based writers. This response was published by the National Post on Saturday, May 15, 2004.


Slowly and methodically over the past years, rural communities have had their post offices, schools and churches (all community establishments) closed. The latest affront has been the forced amalgamation of our townships. It now appears the Ontario government’s Panel on the Role of Government is recommending relocation of communities.

Rural areas are burdened with regulation heaped on regulation. They are harangued by every conceivable government ministry. They are tired of being the fall guys for major pollution problems, which are actually traced to heavily populated urban areas – e.g., regular urban sewage spills that are polluting our rivers lakes and streams. Infrastructure in urban areas is so old and fragile it is unable to contain the vast amounts of waste coming from heavily populated areas. Urban centres seem to be allowed to continue on their regular pollution kick without too much government intervention. If that were to happen in a rural area, the authorities would sit on our doorstep and impose stiff penalties or even incarceration. As for polluted air, just step out in the city and take a deep breath.

The panel suggests rural communities are not worthy to receive funds for assistance. Let me assure them, urbanites are just as quick to sidle up to the trough as rural folk. Listen to the news, read the papers. Who cries for financial assistance any more than city politicians? As for giving support to rural communities, Mr. Solomon, our hard-earned tax dollars are just as valuable as urban money. We deserve good roads, education and health care as much as any citizen of this province.

Farmers are the lifeblood of the nation. The slogan “If you ate today, thank a farmer” should be emblazoned in every home. Dedicated farmers work their soil, tend their animals and harvest their crops so the likes of columnist Solomon and other Ontarians will have food on their tables.

Frances Thurlow, secretary, Frontenac Landowners, Godfrey, Ont.


Lawrence Solomon‘s column illustrates the contempt and ignorance with which the far-removed urban and bureaucratic mindset views rural communities (Rural Phase-Out, April 21).

It’s no wonder the “Rural Revolution” started in Eastern Ontario is gaining wide acceptance and broad support when such people as Mr. Solomon have the government’s ear and common people and common sense are absent from our democratic process.

The only dangers and obstacles threatening the rural economy and culture are government intrusion: legislation such as the Nutrient Management Act, which slowly starves family farms; new Ontario water regulations that parch all rural businesses of profits; the gun registry, which creates lifestyle criminals; the Environmental Protection Act, which cuts down our logging operations because sawdust is thought to be toxic; and the Species at Risk Act, which endangers all property owners with legislated theft of our lands.

These are but a few examples of the government’s assault on rural communities, but the list is as endless as a bureaucrat’s quest for meaningful tasks. Leave rural people and communities alone and we will thrive and survive long past the cities’ demise, just as we have for hundreds of years, and throughout history.

It is evident the rural economy is being dismantled, and its people are under siege, but this is being done by people such as Mr. Solomon and urban bureaucrats who legislate misplaced urban standards and regulations upon rural residents and their businesses.

Metropolitan legislation intended to protect urban dwellers from the dangerous effects of an intensive and dense living environment has no place or purpose in the wide-open and clean countryside.

The consequence of urban legislation on rural communities is hardships and a dying culture and heritage.

Clearly, the same consequence would befall urban communities if rural living standards were allowed in densely populated cities.

To suggest that rural residents and communities cannot sustain themselves and require the guidance and support of the cities is to have a complete lack of knowledge or understanding of rural people and our lifestyle. It is a clear contradiction of reality: It is the densely populated cities that need rural people and their communities, in order to protect Canada’s environment, food supply, culture and heritage of democracy.

Government academics are building fences that divide rural and urban, causing each to look upon the other with disdain, but rural people know who will climb to the other side first.

The only question is will we in the rural areas let them in and allow them to escape the culture of socialism that entraps them? Or will we create a new rural province first, in order to protect our rural heritage, culture, property and democracy – and separate ourselves from the dangers of academic minds empty of reality and filled with ignorance.

Randy Hillier, president, Lanark Landowners Association, RR2 Carleton Place, Ont.


Rural Phase Out suggests that financial support to rural areas in Ontario be phased out because “most of rural Canada cannot sustain itself.”

The comment goes on to applaud the government of Ontario’s Panel on the Role of Government, saying its report has spoken with rare courage and clarity.

To add to the panel’s courageous suggestions, perhaps the government should examine a few other unsustainable programs. Welfare, subsidized housing, breakfast programs in schools and drug needle programs should be phased out. Employment Insurance only encourages workers to take holidays and should be abolished. Arts and culture programs, libraries, museums and publicly funded recreational centres should be 100% privately funded. The government cannot afford to support public entertainment.

All irony aside, we don’t have to look far to find programs that heavily burden the taxpayer. Some tax-supported programs or services should be eliminated immediately, namely the Ontario government’s Panel on the Role of Government.

This panel has conveniently overlooked the high cost of supporting the infrastructure of high-density urban areas and has focused on the lightly populated rural areas with fewer votes.

The motive for this report is transparent and serves only to alienate urban and rural dwellers and further the government’s attack on rural residents. The government of Ontario is waging a war against the rural lifestyle through studies such as this, onerous environmental regulations and complete disregard for property rights.

We will not back down from the attack and will not surrender our rights. We pay taxes, as do all other citizens, and demand the services and respect normally expected by other residents. What we really need is to phase out the government of Ontario.

Terrence MacLaurin, Woodlawn, Ont.

Posted in Cures, Sprawl | Leave a comment

Copenhagen Opposition Paper on Population and Migration

Copenhagen Consensus 2004
Mark R. Rosenzweig
April 1/2004
Rosenzweig argues against the proposition that creating a large permanent population of temporary workers makes immigration more palatable to the host-country population and raises issues about the root causes of global disparities in factor prices.
Posted in Immigration | Leave a comment

Martin’s problem: Corruption at home and abroad

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
March 27, 2004

The Prime Minister says he is fighting corruption, but he is merely keeping the lid on scandals. The Acres bribery case is one that could blow up

Paul Martin’s spin-filled response to the sponsorship scandal failed to maintain his pre-scandal popularity. His honeymoon as Canada’s dream prime minister abruptly ended only weeks after he assumed power. Corruption, however, has an international as well as a national face, and Canada’s corruption problems have as much of an international character as a national one.

Nationally, the Liberals’ first budget with Mr. Martin as Prime Minister – spun as an anti-corruption, pro-accountability document – provided little of substance. Finance Minister Ralph Goodale rightly declared that “Canadians deserve the utmost in accountability, transparency and value.” His government instead delivered the utmost in obfuscation.

Only one issue – corruption – has the potential to topple Mr. Martin and the Liberals from power. Inexplicably, Mr. Martin’s response to Canada’s greatest scandal in modern times has been a series of largely vapid measures that, even combined, add up to little. If Mr. Martin doesn’t set aside the spin and enshrine real reforms, he risks a fate that was almost unimaginable a mere six months ago: a John-Turner-like toppling of a newly minted golden boy prime minister.

Mr. Martin’s ersatz reforms betray a determination to place himself as the ultimate judge of his own conduct. Yes, he promises that future ethics commissioners for the House of Commons and the Senate will report to Parliament instead of to him. But Mr. Martin would retain the power to appoint cronies as ethics commissioners, and while he promises to give the Senate some say in his immediate choice, he refuses to enshrine that promise in legislation, allowing him to assert control over the position after a re-election, once the furor over corruption subsides.

Yes, Mr. Martin has set up an independent inquiry to look into the sponsorship scandal. But he will not commit to allow it to do its work, and allow Canadians to receive its verdict before asking Canadians to re-elect him in the next election.

Yes, he promises to bring back the position of comptroller-general, abolished a decade ago. But just as Mr. Chretien exerted tight control over his ethics commissioner, Mr. Martin and his Cabinet would both appoint the comptroller-general and have the comptroller-general report solely to them.

And yes, Mr. Martin proposes whistle-blower legislation, to give bureaucrats some measure of protection when they see wrongdoing. But it won’t generally allow knowledge of wrongs to be reported beyond the walls of the federal Cabinet. The legislation envisions the whistle-blower reporting to his own superior, or to the minister in charge of his bureaucracy, rather than going to the police, to the press or to Parliament.

Above all, Mr. Martin wants to hire legions of in-house accountants – people without the tools or inclination to ferret out wrongdoing – instead of simply legislating penalties tough enough to deter wrongdoing, and hiring independent forensic accountants to give the penalties relevance. Mr. Martin wants the illusion of reform.

Although there is no one definition of corruption, most authorities see it largely as a function of government. The Oxford English Dictionary defines corruption as “perversion or destruction of integrity in the discharge of public duties by bribery or favour.” The World Bank defines corruption as “the abuse of public office for private gain.” Most national chapters of Transparency International, the world’s leading anti-corruption organization, agree with the approach of the Hungarian chapter: “By the broadest definition, corruption means the abuse of public power in order to make private profit.” The United Nations Convention against Corruption overwhelmingly concerns itself with the corruption of public officials.

The more government grows, the greater the likelihood of corruption, the greater the need to take corruption seriously by showing there are consequences to wrongdoing. Mr. Martin’s government shows nothing of the kind: It blusters about “zero tolerance” only when caught in the high-profile sponsorship scandal, and pooh-poohs wrongdoing when scandalous behaviour does not make the front pages.

The Liberal government’s underlying tolerance of sleaze shows in the ongoing case of Acres International, a Canadian engineering multinational whose bribery conviction in a $12-billion water megaproject in the African country of Lesotho was recently upheld on appeal. The federal government neither deplored Acres’ behaviour nor cut it off from the public trough. Instead, it rallied to Acres’ defence. Federal officials denigrated the Lesotho court decision that castigated Acres’ “premeditated and carefully planned criminal act,” and our federal government’s man at the World Bank in Washington argued against debarring Acres, despite the bank’s policy of debarring companies that engage “in corrupt or fraudulent practices.” Debarring would disqualify Acres from participating in World Bank contracts.

As far as the federal government is concerned, Acres is a company in good standing. Export Development Canada, a federal Crown corporation that subsidizes exports, refuses to debar Acres, and the Canadian International Development Agency, a federal aid agency that on its own has provided Acres and its affiliates with more than $100-million over the years, only last month affirmed that no penalties were called for: “We will continue to fulfil existing contractual agreements with Acres and will consider new proposals when submitted.”

The federal government’s refusal to treat corruption, wherever it may find it, as a serious offence betrays a culture of corruption. In the Acres case, the very person who deposited Acres’ bribes into the Swiss bank account of a corrupt foreign official, and who enriched himself in the process, was himself a Canadian federal official, appointed by the federal Cabinet and abusing his official capacity as Canada’s honorary consul to Lesotho. The government’s evident reaction: “So what?”

Mr. Martin hopes his current scandal problem blows over by election day, and it may. But because he is only working to keep a lid on scandals, rather than eliminating them, new ones may well explode in his face. The World Bank’s pursuit of Acres continues apace, for example, and, because it is the world’s single-most-important case involving international corruption, it continues to be followed by the international press. A World Bank decision to debar Acres could come down during the coming federal election campaign.

Mr. Martin might then need to explain to a corruption-weary electorate why his government so ardently defended Acres, and dismissed actions against this company out of hand, when the Lesotho courts, and the World Bank investigation, held Acres to a higher standard.

Lawrence Solomon is the executive director of Urban Renaissance Institute, a division of Energy Probe Research Foundation.; LawrenceSolomon@nextcity.com

Acres responds

Re: Martin’s Problem (Corruption at Home and Abroad), Lawrence Solomon, March 27.

We are disappointed that Financial Post readers have once again been subjected to Lawrence Solomon‘s biased attacks against Acres International. The Post’s decision to allow Mr. Solomon to recycle the same unfair and inflammatory accusations made by the same writer in the same space last January serves only to mislead Canadians about the actions of their government and to misrepresent a Canadian company that has implemented one of the most comprehensive processes among our peers to ensure transparency, fair play and good governance.

Contrary to Mr. Solomon’s assertions, Acres asked for and received nothing more than the assistance of the Government of Canada in obtaining due process, something to which we believe all Canadian citizens and Canadian companies should be entitled.

Acres is grateful for the support we received and places a priority on working with government to resolve the issue and to move forward. We have co-operated with the judicial process in Lesotho at every stage, and we were deeply disappointed that the Lesotho Appeal Court overturned only one of the two counts that were subject to appeal. Nevertheless, we have agreed to pay the onerous fine of $2.9-million, and will fulfill our commitment to do so.

Acres will also continue to co-operate with the World Bank in a professional manner.

Above all, Acres will remain focused on our commitment to honest and ethical business practices both within our company and throughout the entire industry. As Mr. Solomon already knows, the decision by Export Development Canada to do business with Acres is based on a thorough, independent review of systems put in place by Acres and on their assessment that these systems are fully consistent with international best practices.

Mr. Solomon’s continued, baseless attacks are deceiving to Canadians and highly discouraging to the hundreds of proud Acres employees who not only conduct themselves with the utmost integrity, but are guiding the creation of similar standards that encourage our entire industry to do the same.

A. Hylton, president, Acres International Limited, Oakville, Ont.

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Copenhagen Challenge Paper on Population and Migration

Philip Martin
Copenhagen Consensus 2004
March 21/2004Most economists welcome migration from lower- to higher-wage countries, since it uses resources more efficiently and maximises production.


Posted in Immigration | Leave a comment

Toll roads v. the Canadian Accident Association

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
March 17, 2004

You have a flat tire. Or you need a tow. Or a boost. Or you’ve run out of gas. If you’re like millions of Canadians, you call the Canadian Automobile Association to get you going again.

Except if you’re on the 407, the electronic toll road north of Toronto. Highway 407 users don’t need these CAA services because the highway operators look after their customers. They’ll change your tire for you for free if it’s flat, or give you a free gallon of gas if you’ve run out. Or a free boost if you’ve stalled, or free windshield wiper fluid if you can’t see.

Highway 407 users don’t need the CAA for another reason as well: Accidents are relatively rare on the 407, as they are on all well maintained toll roads with vanishingly few accidents, another bread and butter CAA business – endorsing tow trucks and accident repairs as “CAA-Approved” – becomes less profitable.

The motoring public has so warmed to Highway 407 and other toll roads that drivers increasingly opt for them. London, England, loves the toll so much that politicians run for office on promises to toll. The U.K. plans to toll all roads, urban or local. Because of the toll road’s growing popularity, some predict that other Western governments in the future may someday follow suit. With all these developments building momentum over the last decade, little wonder that CAA has been making it its mission to stem the trend in Canada and attempt to block all proposed toll roads.

Last week, for example, the Ontario government announced its intention to expand the provincial toll road system. CAA’s Ontario wing immediately criticized the decision. “It is the wrong approach,” lobbyist Mark Arsenault flatly claimed, never mentioning the lives that a toll road system could save. CAA lobbies instead for more free roads, which don’t need to pass a market test to ensure the government isn’t putting through a pork-barrel project. And, although CAA safety experts know of the toll road’s superior safety record, CAA confines itself to recommending better seat belts, better vehicle inspections, and other safety measures that, although important, wouldn’t cause CAA, itself, to become a casualty.

The lengths to which electronic toll road operators go to keeping their roads safe and free flowing – when cars don’t move, toll roads lose revenue – contrasts with the apathy of government operators who run free roads. Highway crews patrol 24/7 along the 407’s entire 108-kilometres, allowing them to quickly aid any driver in distress – its snowplow drivers actually sleep at nearby company yards to make sure they’re ready to go within minutes. In winter, the crews double their number of patrols between 5 a.m. and 9 p.m., Monday to Friday. At all times, the roaming crews remove debris that can cause accidents, and monitor the road for cars that have pulled off the highway, to keep rubbernecking to a minimum.

Other toll roads go even further to ensure public safety and less stressful driving. The Express Lanes tollway built in the median of a freeway outside Los Angeles, for example, bans tractor trailers and other heavy vehicles (apart from fire trucks and other vehicles needed in an emergency). Reserving those lanes for passenger vehicles only makes good economic sense – it both pleases the motorist and saves maintenance expense by protecting the road from the heavy vehicles that cause most of the damage.

In contrast, CAA tells its members to learn to live with the danger and discomfort of driving next to tractor trailers. “Help that passing truck,” it advises. “Keep your eyes on the road ahead and on your mirrors when a truck tries to pass you.” While CAA pays lip-service to a theoretical possibility that toll roads may some day under some conditions have some place in our society, never does it fight for its members’ right to a choice, always does it obstruct plans by governments or the private sector to provide meaningful options for the driving public.

CAA’s financial statements reveal the extent to which it depends on the bad service on free roads that all Canadians have come to unquestioningly accept. About 95% of CAA’s $20-million in annual revenue comes from “member and roadside assistance services.” CAA might as well stand for Canadian Accident Association.

BACKGROUND SOURCES

Related articles:
Tolls gather speed
London’s green streets
Toll skeptics be damned: London’s rolling
The toll on business
The take from tolls
Don’t tax, toll: Presentation to the Canadian Home Builders’ Association
London unjammed
Don’t tax, toll
Toll today’s roads, don’t build more
How the free road lobby led us astray
Toll road commentary
Road safety
How to cut highways’ human toll

Posted in Toll roads, Transportation | Leave a comment